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To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (22485)1/1/2004 8:59:51 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793549
 
except the way everybody thought and spoke,

You can see why, when you look at the reception to "Gods and Generals." It had other problems, but the critics did not like the language.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (22485)1/1/2004 9:02:11 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793549
 
Ditching the peace

Jan 1st 2004
From The Economist Global Agenda

Nine years ago, members of the World Trade Organisation agreed not to take each other to court over farm subsidies. But the “peace clause”, as this agreement is known, expired on December 31st. Will its end mean the beginning of a trade war?

AP





IT IS one of the age-old functions of government: doling out taxpayers’ money to favoured national industries. It is, by contrast, one of the most laudable functions of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to proscribe and police these subsidies. It gives members the right to retaliate against countries that stuff illegal feathers into the beds of their domestic firms. But not all subsidies are equal under the law. Hundreds of billions of dollars of largesse that governments bestow upon their farmers cannot be contested at the WTO. Until now. The so-called “peace clause”, agreed nine years ago, gave most agricultural subsidies immunity from the WTO’s punishments and procedures for settling disputes. But the clause expired on December 31st. The peace is over; is a trade war about to begin?

There are certainly a lot of subsidies to shoot at. The OECD, a club of rich nations, reckons that the agricultural subsidies of its members cost consumers and taxpayers about $230 billion in 2001 alone. The European Union, the United States and Japan were to blame for about 80% of those transfers. The typical milk producer in the OECD makes half its money from selling milk, and the other half from milking its government. Rice and sugar producers do the same.

So what? If profligate governments want to play sugar daddy with their taxpayers’ money, surely that is their sovereign right? What business is it of the WTO? The problem is that subsidies distort trade. Export subsidies do so by design, encouraging firms to increase their share of foreign markets. Other kinds of handout distort trade indirectly. By making production cheaper, they encourage more of it. This oversupply depresses world prices or accumulates unsold, in the wine lakes and butter mountains that used to characterise European agriculture. Slowly, the EU is moving away from paying farmers to overfarm. It wants to “decouple” subsidies from production.

Countries that import food (many of them poor) benefit from the largesse of rich-world subsidies, but agricultural exporters suffer. They are no longer willing to suffer in silence. The 17 countries of the Cairns Group, which includes Australia, Brazil and Argentina, have campaigned long and hard against export subsidies. But as long as the peace clause remained in place, they could not mount a legal challenge. The EU had hoped to wangle an extension of the peace clause earlier this year at the WTO’s ministerial meeting in Cancún, Mexico. But the Cancún talks fell apart when the G22, an ad hoc coalition of developing countries, proved to be feistier than anticipated. The G22 remains in contentious mood. Indeed, as one EU official told the Associated Press: “In this sort of atmosphere, everyone might start throwing things at each other.”

Brazil might cast the first stone. It is already challenging America’s cotton subsidies, arguing that they violate a term in the peace clause that caps subsidies at 1992 levels. Now the clause has expired, other targets will present themselves and other countries may join the fight. WTO members will be able to challenge any subsidy reserved for a specific industry (a sugar subsidy, for example) that can be shown to cause “serious prejudice” to their interests.

Such prejudice is easy enough to prove. Richard Steinberg of the University of California, Los Angeles, and Timothy Josling of Stanford University have read the statutes and crunched the numbers. They show that America’s extensive subsidies to its barley producers, for example, helped keep foreigners out of American markets. Its subsidies to corn producers helped to displace rival producers from third-country markets, such as Mexico, Canada and the Philippines. Meanwhile, by subsidising exports, the EU is depressing world butter prices by as much as a fifth, according to one economic model.

If a plaintiff wins his case, the offender would be forced to withdraw the subsidies and offset their damaging effects, or face the consequences. The penalties for non-compliance can be severe. The WTO sees export subsidies as a particularly egregious breach of free-trade principles. It came down hard on America’s tax breaks for exporters, giving the EU the right to impose more than $4 billion-worth of sanctions in retaliation. The Americans are now scrambling to comply with the WTO’s ruling before the tariffs kick in next March.



With the expiry of the peace clause, the great trading powers—who are also the great subsidisers—may lose rather more than they win


Some, especially in America, see the WTO as an infringement of their sovereignty. But the great trading powers tolerate the WTO’s rulings in the spirit of “you win some, you lose some”. America may have lost on export tax breaks and steel tariffs, but it won on bananas and beef hormones.

With the expiry of the peace clause, however, the great trading powers—who are also the great subsidisers—may lose rather more than they win. Their enthusiasm for the WTO may wane. If so, they may choose to shrug off any retaliatory duties slapped on their exports. It may be less painful to ignore the ruling, neglect their WTO obligations and face the sanctions, than to abide by the ruling and face their own irate farmers. A country such as Brazil, after all, can block only a tiny fraction of European or American exports. Angry farmers, on the other hand, can block their roads.

For the moment, however, America and the EU would much prefer to remain WTO members in good standing. This gives agricultural exporters a handy bargaining chip if and when global trade talks resume in the new year. As Messrs Steinberg and Josling put it, America and Europe will have to negotiate “in the shadow of this legal vulnerability”. They may be goaded into cutting subsidies more steeply than they would like.

Messrs Steinberg and Josling think the expiry of the peace clause will “light a fire” under farm-trade negotiations. For the past nine years, the WTO has given peace a chance. In the years ahead, its courts will be busier and the trade scene tetchier. But something is needed to push the big subsidisers into serious agricultural reform. Dispute is better than deadlock.



Copyright © 2004 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (22485)1/1/2004 9:12:09 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793549
 
The only dark cloud is a very dark one: another massive slaughter on American soil. The terrorists don’t have to be brilliant, just lucky – as they were last time, when they wandered around sticking out like sore thumbs to gazillions of Federal and state officials sensitivity-trained not to notice behaviour that practically screamed “I’m a terrorist!”

KEEPING UP THE PRESSURE
MARK STEYN
Timing is everything. Leafing through our issue of two weeks ago, I feel it would be kindest to draw a veil over page 26 (“Correlli Barnett says that the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq serve as object lessons in how not to conduct an anti-terrorist campaign”), but that guy buried away on page 38 seems shrewder than ever:

“It’s been a good year. Twelve months ago, Saddam Hussein was sitting on his solid gold toilet. He’s now on the run, moving every few hours and unlikely ever again to feel even a standard black plastic seat against his bottom.”

There didn’t seem to be many “facilities”, as the British landladies say, in Saddam’s hut, never mind down the spider hole. And, when he was asked if he’d like to use the bathroom during his first interrogation by US soldiers, the great dictator, in a sporting attempt to stick to the letter as well as the spirit of my prediction, declined. “How,” he demanded of his captors, “can I urinate while my people are in bondage?”

I’ll drink to that. It seems the year is ending even better yet. In fact, in the last fortnight the good news came so that thick and fast that we Bush stooges in the media barely had time to re-type the White House press releases: Saddam surrenders; lots of big-time Baathist dead-enders rounded up by the Americans, and various small-time Baathist dead-enders more brutally dispatched by their countrymen; Gaddafi throws in the towel on his WMD program, and scuppers Iran’s and North Korea’s in the process; France, Germany and Russia cave to Jim Baker on forgiveness of Iraqi debt…

No doubt Prof Barnett thinks this is further proof of how swimmingly things are going for Osama. The rest of the naysayers seem to have settled on the BBC/Reuters/New York Times tack that, even if these are all positive developments, they’re nothing to do with Bush. It’s all pure coincidence. The contortions of this position were summed up by Massachusetts Democratic Senator John Kerry, the aloof goof who’s made such a hash of his Presidential campaign. Struggling to come to terms with Libya’s decision to fold, Senator Kerry declared:

“An Administration that scorns multilateralism and boasts about a rigid doctrine of military preemption has almost in spite of themselves demonstrated the enormous potential for advances in the war on terror.”

I think Senator Kerry is trying to say that the good news would have been more impressive if, instead of Libya abandoning its nuclear, biological and chemical problems effective immediately, Bush had reached out to the French so they could tie it up at the IAEA and the Security Council for a half-decade or so and eventually agree to Libyan disarmament verifiers going in to Tripoli circa 2012.

Nonetheless, the Administration is winning “almost in spite of themselves” – which is more than Kerry can say. And as a Bush campaign slogan that’ll do. For whatever reason, things are going America’s way, and likely to continue to do so. The only real argument is about the speed at which they do. How good 2004 is can be measured by how well some of the following turn out:

1) SADDAM’S TRIAL

In a nutshell:
A courtroom in Baghdad: Good.
A courtroom in the Hague: Bad.
Iraqi and coalition judges: Good.
International jet-set judges: Bad.
Swift execution: Good.
Playing Scrabble with Slobo in the prison library for the next 20 years: Bad.

Bet on Bush and the Iraqis to get their way. As for whether Iraq has a justice system under which Saddam can be tried, I suggest we look to the great king of Babylonia, Hammurabi, whose Code of Laws, the world’s first ever written legal code from circa 1780 BC, stands up pretty well. I’m not a Babylonian legal scholar but I note that Saddam’s digging of a subterranean hiding place in his hut appears to be in clear breach of Law No 21: “If any one break a hole into a house, he shall be put to death before that hole and be buried.” Suits me.

2) THE INSURGENCY

On Groundhog Day in America, the groundhog emerges from his hole and whether or not he sees his shadow determines whether winter will last another six weeks. I don’t know whether Groundhog Hussein saw his shadow when he emerged from the hole, but another six weeks of insurgency sounds about right, after which it will peter out, despite the urgings of Tariq Ali, George Galloway and other armchair insurgents.

3) THE ARAB STREET

Jihan Ajlouni, a 24-year-old Palestinian university student, reacted to Saddam’s capture by warning: “We say to all the traitors and collaborators: Don’t rush to celebrate because there are millions of Saddams in the Arab world.”

Really? Millions of smelly wimps with ratty hair living in holes in the ground? That could cause massive subsidence in the Tikrit area, particularly if they surrender all at once.

But, of course, Mr Ajlouni is wrong. The West Bank aside, his fellow Arabs aren’t that nuts. When the western world’s Ajlouni left reprimand the Americans for sticking Saddam on TV with a tongue depressor, they’re worried it will make the Arabs feel “humiliated. “I feel extremely humiliated,” agreed the Egyptian writer Sayyid Nassar. “By shaving his beard, a symbol of virility in Iraq and in the Arab world, the Americans committed an act that symbolizes humiliation in our region.”

You should feel humiliated. It is humiliating when you invest your pride in a total loser. The thing is: what are you going to do about it? Rise up in anger? I think not. It’s a safe bet that in 2004 the Arab street will remain as somnolent as it was in 2003 and 2002. That leaves two options: just more festering as usual, or doing something constructive. The big question in the year ahead is whether we’ll start to see forces emerge in the wider Arab world that have drawn the right conclusions from the humiliations of the last two years. You know what would humiliate me if I were a hotshot Egyptian intellectual like Mr Nassar? The Americans democratizing Iraq before Egyptians have managed to democratize Egypt. I predict a few interesting straws in the wind between now and next December.

4) TRICKLE-DOWN DESTABILISATION

Why exactly did Colonel Gaddafi, within a week of Saddam’s capture, throw open the gates of his WMD facilities to the Brits and Yanks? The Speccie’s esteemed editor, in his interview with Silvio Berlusconi, got the scoop last September, when the Italian Prime Minister reported a recent phone call with the Libyan leader: “I will do whatever the Americans want,” said the Colonel, “because I saw what happened in Iraq, and I was afraid.”

Or as I put it in The Jerusalem Post in early May: “You don’t invade Iraq in order to invade everywhere else, you invade Iraq so you don’t have to invade everywhere else.” In turn, Gaddafi has provided information on various Islamist individuals and organizations, as well as the nuclear programs of his partners in Iran and North Korea. With hindsight, the sudden retirement of Libyan-trained Liberian dictator Charles Taylor and the Colonel’s decision to turn off the spigot to Robert Mugabe despite the latter’s formal State Grovel to Tripoli also seem curiously timely. It may be that the Iraq war has done more to free Zimbabwe of its thug ruler than all the Commonwealth resolutions put together. Imagine that! Look for a lot more trickle-down from Iraq in the year ahead, in Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia and beyond.

5) THE DICTATORS

A frequent criticism of the anti-war crowd this last year ran along the lines of: “The Americans are, like, totally hypocritical. If you’re going to topple Saddam, why not topple Mugabe?” To which the correct answer should be: “You’re right. But all in good time.” Many of the horrors that lie ahead can be found at the intersection of wily dictatorships and freelance terror groups. So the US and its allies should be at the very least philosophically committed to regime change in all dictatorships. The delay between the fall of the Taliban and the fall of Saddam was a little too long: there should be an informal target of one tinpot thug per year, to be removed by whatever means are to hand.

6) PRINCE BANDAR

It’s past due for Bush to move on to redefining Washington’s relationship with the House of Saud. The symbol of the old one-way relationship – the Saudis buying up half the US diplomatic corps, etc – is Prince Bandar, who is officially merely an “ambassador” but who for two decades has swanked around Washington like the British minister in a 19th century sultanate. He symbolizes more than anyone the world of September 10th. He should be politely retired before the end of the year.

7) THE AXIS OF EVIL

It turns out, despite the sneers of the bien-pensants, that the axis of evil is not just a rhetorical flourish but a real live working axis. One reason why the scale of its advances was not known to the IAEA dupes is that Iran, North Korea, Libya and others were able to farm out different elements of the programme to different countries, thereby ensuring that it’s only when you know the network that you can see the full picture. Nonetheless, we now understand that pre-Musharraf Pakistan and Communist North Korea were at the center of a huge conspiracy to nuclearise the Arab world. Like island-hopping in the Pacific campaign 60 years ago, this nuclear chain needs to be cut off country by country. If Iran’s mullahs aren’t willing to do a Gaddafi by year’s end, the Americans should be bankrolling the opposition.

8) THE COALITION OF THE WILLING

On the Sunday morning of Saddam’s capture the President called the Prime Ministers of Britain, Australia, Spain, Italy and Poland. The Canadians had to wait for a brief conversation on the Monday, and the French, Germans and Russians had to make do with James Baker. The Democrats may mock the “Coalition of the Willing”, but for Bush it’s a real thing, an informal democratic alliance that, unlike the UN, gets the job done.

As for Britain’s role in Gaddafi’s disarmament and the back-channel approaches to Syria and Iran, I can’t improve on the characterization of my fellow New Hampshirite Orrin Judd who describes Britain and America’s interventions with Libya, Syria et al as a classic good cop/bad cop routine: the urbane Foreign Office wallah flies in and explains nice and friendly-like that you really don’t want to meet his Texan partner. It’s not exactly Harold Macmillan’s Greece-to-Rome theory of Anglo-American relations, but it’s a distinct and honourable role that, unlike clapped-out 1970s Europhilia, puts Britain at the heart of world events.

9) OSAMA BIN LADEN

He will continue to be dead throughout 2004.

10) THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

They’re approaching the same condition, though their death throes are likely to be a lot wilder. Joe Lieberman has accused Howard Dean of being in “a spider hole of denial” re Saddam. John Kerry is currently hammering Democratic rival Howard Dean for being inconsistent on the war – first he was against it, now he’s for it; or first he was for it, now he’s against it; I forget. But either way he lacks the consistent inconsistency of Kerry, who was for it, then against it, and is currently (since Saddam’s capture) for it again. As things stand, the only real question in November is how badly the Dems will do.

All the above will turn out either well or extremely well for the Administration. The only dark cloud is a very dark one: another massive slaughter on American soil. The terrorists don’t have to be brilliant, just lucky – as they were last time, when they wandered around sticking out like sore thumbs to gazillions of Federal and state officials sensitivity-trained not to notice behaviour that practically screamed “I’m a terrorist!” Tom Ridge, Director of Homeland Security, says that right now al-Qaeda types are probing for weak spots at American airports. Which pre-supposes that they’re already in the country. Which confirms pretty much that the first weak spot remains the US border. On the whole, all the Federal agencies that failed so spectacularly on 9/11 are as bureaucratic, lethargic and inept as they were then. And no-one has been fired. One lucky break for a couple of Islamist boneheads, and the Dems and the media will be hammering Bush on why he let it happen all over again. It remains a melancholy fact that, for a US President, it’s easier to reform Iraq’s government agencies than America’s. I do not expect this situation to improve in 2004.
steynonline.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (22485)1/1/2004 9:59:47 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793549
 
I wonder how many Westerners will be on the list?

- the minister of foreign affairs stated that SH confessed during the on going investigations that he used to offer large sums of money to some Arabic media officials and political personalities in the past years to encourage them to assist him on his propaganda program and to give a good impression to the Arab world about his regime.

The Iraqi minister said that these names will be declared later in the Iraqi journals with the amounts of money paid by SH to those people. (I think that Al-Jazeera should be waiting for the good news now!!).
iraqthemodel.blogspot.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (22485)1/1/2004 10:13:47 PM
From: Neeka  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793549
 
You may be right Nadine...I'm no Civil War scholar.

I'm assuming that you saw the movie? If so, would you consider the poetic form of dialog expressed in the letters written by Ada to Inman true to the period? Was Ruby's ability to turn a phrase also indicative of the period?

The movie wasn't advertised as a documentary and the director was trying to portray events through a work of fiction. In that regard he did a superior job imo.

It was well acted, but self-indulgent and predictable.

Isn't that so typically true.

M



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (22485)1/2/2004 12:06:00 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793549
 
This was rated as Jonah Goldberg's best column last year.


March 13, 2003 10:45 a.m.
Jews and War
Listening to the ugly losers.
Jonah Goldberg NRO


If it were not for the strong support of the Jewish community for this war with Iraq, we would not be doing this. The leaders of the Jewish community are influential enough that they could change the direction of where this is going, and I think they should."

To paraphrase Dickens, if that's what Jim Moran says, then Jim Moran is "a ass." Of course, few people who've followed Moran's fertile career of asininity needed to hear about this to make their mind up about that.

But the issue of the Jews and war is in the air these days; it's certainly in my e-mail box. It's certainly in the backroom rhetoric of Pat Buchanan and those who claim to be more conservative, more pure, more "paleo." It's a staple trope of Chris Matthews who talks about Jews in the administration the way Tailgunner Joe talked about Communists in the State Department and has dedicated countless segments of his show to the "takeover" of the GOP by the pro-Israel neoconservatives.

So let's talk about "the Jews" and "the war."

I use quotation marks because to discuss "the Jews" is already a bit of a slander. There are Jews against invading Iraq, you know? The New York Times, long considered the in-house newsletter of the Zionists, has actually been editorializing against war for quite a while, while the WASPier Washington Post has boldly gone the other way. Thomas Friedman — America's most influential pundit on Middle East affairs — favors disarming Iraq, but certainly doesn't support George Bush's method of doing it. Eric Alterman, Todd Gitlin, Michael Lerner, Tony Kushner, and Robert Reich are just a few of the Jewish noses I've counted against war with Iraq. But I'm sure it wouldn't be hard to find more. Why, just look here.

You might notice from that small list that most of the Jews against war with Iraq are — surprise! — liberals. Funny thing, that. Liberals tend to be against the war and Jewish liberals tend to be against the war too. Weird.

Weirder still: Jewish conservatives tend to be in favor of the war. Now that is bizarre. And, as I look around, it dawns on me that gay conservatives tend to be in favor of forcibly disarming Saddam if necessary, while gay liberals generally insist that inspection will do the trick. And, you know, tall conservatives also favor war but tall liberals tend to be against it. My God, it's true everywhere I look: left-handed conservatives, pro-war. Left-handed liberals, antiwar. Bald conservatives: pro, bald liberals, anti. It's almost like there's a pattern here.

Okay, I'm having fun at the expense of people who think they are being incredibly brave and manly for daring to tell the world that Jewish conservatives share a position with other conservatives. But they don't say Jewish conservatives are in favor of war, they say "the Jews" are in favor of war. They loudly invoke the hook-nosed roll call of Wolfowitz, Perle, Abrams, and — before he joined National Review — David Frum, but then they mumble and whisper through the roster of the Jews' Gentile bosses: Rumsfeld, Powell, Ashcroft, Card, Cheney, and, let's not forget, George W. Bush, scion of the famously less-than-philo-Semitic Bush clan.

But that's what Jews are: string pullers, whisperers; clever people with clever ideas. Their loyalties aren't to Bush or America, they're to puppeteers like Bill Kristol, King of the Neoconservatives. That's why Chris Matthews could sleep with an untroubled conscience after asking a reporter about the Jews in the White House: "Are they loyal to the Kristol neoconservative movement, or to the president?" And: "Is Bill Kristol, leader of the neoconservatives….taking over the Bush White House?" "Does the president think Cheney is an honest broker or a neoconservative…."

Let's look at my invaluable colleague and friend, David Frum. For much of last year, Chris Matthews, Pat Buchanan, Robert Novak, and others have had their dresses over their heads about the perfidious neoconservative influence Frum has had on the president. You see, Frum wrote two of the three words in the phrase "Axis of Evil," while his devout Christian boss, Mike Gerson, added the word "Evil" to the phrase and, more importantly, added the phrase to the speech the President of the United States delivered. But somehow the neocon Frum pushed the country to war, while Gerson is merely a humble Christian servant of the president. Except, the funny thing is, Frum isn't a neoconservative: He was never liberal nor Communist, he is libertarian on economics and culturally quite conservative. He is, however, a Jew and a foreign-policy hawk and he's been in the employ of The Weekly Standard: three strikes. He must be guilty, taking orders from Ariel Sharon.

I'm sorry if I sound like I'm making too big a deal out of this — even though that's to be expected of someone named Goldberg. It's just that, you see, I'm very confused. Whenever I pay attention to the supposed keepers of the faith supposedly to my right, I hear that the Republican party has been "hijacked" by warmongering neoconservatives. I'm told that inauthentic conservatives have taken over the GOP and are dragging the real conservatives and the whole country unwittingly to war. What's confusing about this is that, according to all of the polls, the vast majority of Republicans are in favor of war and an increasing majority of Americans favor war too. The latest CBS poll has 90% of Republicans favoring war. The Washington Post/ABC poll has a mere 86% of Republicans favoring military action. If the Republican party and the nation have been hijacked, the Stockholm syndrome has kicked-in, big time.

THE LOSERS
I shouldn't be too hard on the beautiful losers — to borrow Sam Francis's half-accurate phrase for the paleos who wandered into their own exile. Almost every day, the elite media tells us that the neocons are running everything. Just this week the New York Times ran a near parody about The Weekly Standard's influence on the Bush administration, all but making the case that Baghdad will be renamed Kristolgrad in a month or so. Serious magazines and journals of opinion from across the ideological spectrum, consistently refer to conservatives who favor war as "neoconservatives" — which many unfortunately read as Jewish conservatives — despite the fact that most conservatives favor war and there's nothing inherent to neoconservatism which requires being Jewish.

Yes Commentary, the neocon organ published by the American Jewish Committee favors war. But Tikkun, its Jewish opposite steadfastly opposes war. And National Review — where no Jews regularly attend editorial meetings or write editorials (or get paid what they deserve! — in my humble opinion) — favors invading. The National Interest, a realist publication if you go by what it actually says, favors toppling Saddam. Crisis, a Catholic magazine, and First Things, run by a Catholic, both lean on the pro-side of what they say would be a "just war," and many of their leading writers are far from ambiguous in defense of war. Rush Limbaugh, G. Gordon Liddy, Oliver North, Bill O'Reilly John O'Sullivan, Andrew Sullivan, Michael Kelly: the list of non-Jewish pro-war conservatives and conservative organizations goes on and on. Hell, Young Americans for Freedom (!) sells "Give War a Chance" buttons on their website and tramples French — not Israeli — flags at their protests. If the party was ever really hijacked, the kidnapped are now flying the plane and guarding the doors.

But let's look outside the rarefied world of magazines and conservative organizations. Michael Kinsley offers a clever defense of Jim Moran, accurately noting that the pro-Israel lobby, AIPAC, really is very powerful. Alas, what Kinsley doesn't offer is any evidence that AIPAC has actually lobbied particularly hard in favor of war or had any notable success doing so. Maybe they have. But boldly pointing out the influence of AIPAC in defense of Moran — who claims he was talking about religious leaders, not the Israel lobby — doesn't prove the lobby actually pushed for war, does it? AARP is very powerful too, but before I dedicated a column to defending someone who says AARP is inordinately pushing this country to war, I might be tempted to find some evidence that they are. The AIPAC website, which Kinsley quotes at length, doesn't seem to be beating the war drums too loudly.

Also, their supposedly pliant vassals in Congress aren't so pliant when it comes to war. In 1991, when another war allegedly for the benefit of Israel and their amen corner was on the horizon, the majority of Jewish members of Congress voted against authorizing the use of force while, obviously, the majority of non-Jews voted aye. Last October, a majority of Jews did vote in favor of the use of force, but at a lower rate than the body as a whole. Funny thing about those Jews, they can get 4,000 tribesmen out of the World Trade Center in time, but they can't get them to vote for war when they need them.

But let me back up for a moment. I don't want to merely deny, deny, deny. Of course, there's some "there" there when it comes to Jewish conservatives and interventionist foreign policy. Buchanan & co. giggle with excitement over their brave declaration that Jewish conservatives are pro-Israel. Well, who could deny such a thing? But it's hardly as if the Perle-Wolfowitz-Kristol-Abrams crowd is only in favor of supporting Israel. These guys wanted to "bomb before breakfast" to defend the interests of the United States in such myriad and sunny locales as Grenada, Nicaragua, Somalia, Yugoslavia, Libya, Cuba, North Korea, etc. Consistency should stand for something. Surely, these weren't all dry-runs for a war for Israel? I mean for a while there The Weekly Standard seemed to be getting beer muscles for a fight with China. Someone needs to explain to me why that would be a good idea for Israel — or for America for that matter. (It's a good thing the Standard's influence over the administration then wasn't so total as it is today).

I don't dispute that Jewish-American conservatives might see the world a bit differently than, say, Irish-American ones. As Edmund Burke said, example is the school of mankind and they will learn at no other. Jews have learned from the example of the Holocaust that turning your back on evil only abets evil. That's Elie Wiesel's argument, but he's just a Jew. Of course, Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel see it the same way.

I think it's totally fair to point out that the Holocaust and the plight of Israel feeds into Jewish thinking about politics. Tragically, in my mind, Holocaust victimology has made too many Jews dismayingly liberal. But for the conservatives, it's made them hawkish. Hawkish in the defense of American principles and interests. That Jewish conservatives see the only democracy in the Middle East as something worth protecting shouldn't shock anyone. And it's perfectly fair to argue that some Jewish (and non-Jewish) conservatives overemphasize the importance of Israel (I await the cries of pacifism from Chris Matthews when Ireland is invaded). I'm not necessarily making that charge, but I think it's certainly an arguable proposition.

But maybe instead of Richard Perle secretly receiving orders from Ariel Sharon, he might actually believe what he says. After all, if the "Dark Prince" thinks it's in America's interest to risk American blood and treasure in defense of our Taiwanese or South Korean allies, is it so treasonous that he might think we should do it for our Israeli ones as well? Apparently so, according to Buchanan. He claims that Perle & co. are "colluding with Israel" at the expense of the United States. Funny how he whimpers about "neocon smears" but has no trouble charging treason.

Anyway, one wonders how this is supposed to work. "Neocons" are supposed to have one set of motives for war, which they keep secret, but they persuade the president, the vice president, the entire Cabinet, Tom Delay, Denny Hastert (not to mention Dick Gephardt and Tony Blair), the Republican party, the conservative establishment and the majority of American citizens with an entirely separate set of arguments? I know Jews are expert manipulators, but presumably they cannot create a whole separate case of facts. And, one hopes, our leaders are persuaded by the facts as they see them not the Jedi mind-tricks of some cosmopolitan scribblers who eat smoked fish on Sundays.

But even if they — "we," I suppose — could manage this, would it matter? In a democratic system, private motives matter much less than public arguments. Nobody has been saying publicly, "Let's do it for Israel!" I haven't. No one at NR or NRO has. No Republican has. So presumably, the public hasn't been persuaded by that argument because nobody has made it. The case for war is a long checklist which includes, strategic, moral, economic, and political rationales. We've debated those rationales for a very long time now and one side has lost.

Sure, Jim Moran might be right. If the "Jewish Community" were more opposed to this war, it might not happen. But that's not because the Jews are pushing this war. Rather, it's because the moral arguments are such that Jewish Americans are persuaded like most everyone else, ideological differences notwithstanding, by the president's case. A rising moral tide lifts all boats, even Jewish ones. Though I would bet that support for this war is stronger among Republicans generally than it is among Jews generally.

And that's why Moran, Buchanan, Matthews, Novak — and more leftists than I can count — should be ashamed. They've lost an argument. They lost it on the merits and they don't like it. In their arrogance or bitterness, they assume they couldn't have lost the fight fairly, and so they look for whispering neocons and clever Jews (or, in other contexts, nefarious oil traders). This is an ugly, ugly way to argue because it forces the opposition to prove a negative and it questions the patriotism of people who've never said an unpatriotic thing. In short, they are sore losers, and the farthest thing from beautiful.
nationalreview.com