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To: mistermj who wrote (22503)1/1/2004 10:25:39 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793672
 
How can you hold up traffic if its against the law for traffic to be going faster?

On any normal Freeway, 80 is a safe cruising speed. The Drivers and the Politicians know it. But it's like liquor laws. The Politicians get hammered if they don't pass a "65" law. The Highway Patrol will normally give you "10 over" without stopping you, if your driving is safe otherwise, and they are not in a pissy mood.

A lot of our laws are there to be used when the Police think they need them. Here in Waikiki, it is illegal for a Moped to be parked and tied to a bike rack. There are Mopeds tied up at every bike rack. The only time the law is enforced is on a major holiday when the reserve officers are on duty. I walked instead of mopeding to Willies last night because of that.



To: mistermj who wrote (22503)1/1/2004 10:50:26 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793672
 
Gee, maybe the super-rich aren't the bastards the left thinks they are. New York Times

January 1, 2004
The Very Rich, It Now Appears, Give Their Share and Even More
By DAVID CAY JOHNSTON

The top 400 American earners in 2000 provided nearly 7 percent of all the charitable gifts reported on income tax returns for that year, well in excess of their roughly 1 percent share of overall income, according to data released yesterday by the NewTithing Group, a charity that tracks giving.

The 400 taxpayers with the highest reported incomes in 2000 made an average of $174 million and gave away, on average, $25.3 million that year. Their combined giving totaled $10.1 billion, or 6.9 percent, of the $146 billion in charitable donations that Americans deducted on their income tax returns in 2000.

Charitable giving by this wafer-thin yet deeply rich slice of Americans, the new Internal Revenue Service data showed, represented an average of more than 14 percent of their incomes, compared with overall charitable tax deductions equal to 2 percent of adjusted gross incomes. Only a fourth of taxpayers file returns that allow them to deduct charitable gifts.

Because tax returns are private, no names are connected with the reported statistical data. But one detail in the data suggests that some of the wealthiest individuals in the nation - Bill Gates, George Soros, Ted Turner and perhaps others who are known to have contributed large sums to charity - may have given even more than they could deduct on their tax returns.

The disproportionate share of giving by the top 400 - who reported 1.1 percent of the $6.3 trillion earned that year by all Americans - occurred against a backdrop of a major shift in government policies on taxing and spending. Beginning in 1997, Congress passed a series of tax cuts, the benefits of which have gone largely to the richest Americans. At the same time, governments at all levels have pared spending on social programs from education to health care to welfare.

Supporters of the tax cuts, led by President Bush, have urged a shift toward charity to support social programs, while opponents have said that private acts of charity are an unreliable substitute for government assistance.

The NewTithing Group, a San Francisco organization that encourages wealthy Americans to give more of their money to charity, paid the I.R.S. to pull more detailed data on charitable giving from tax returns filed by the top 400 in 2000, the most recent year for which such figures are available.

The group received a breakdown of how much was donated in cash and how much in assets. It showed that nearly all of the increase came from gifts of assets, which qualify for a bigger tax break than cash. The data, along with NewTithing's analysis and commentary, were posted Wednesday night at the group's Web site, www.newtithing.org.

Giving by the top 400 from 1997 to 2000 grew significantly faster than their incomes, which ballooned with the rise in the stock market and the increased generosity of their capital gains tax cuts. The top 400 garner most of their income from the sale of appreciated assets, particularly shares of stock.

Their average incomes rose 80 percent in those years, to $174 million from $93 million, while average giving from the stratum more than quadrupled to $25.3 million from $5.9 million.

Claude N. Rosenberg Jr., a wealthy retired money manager who founded NewTithing, said that the 400 top taxpayers, generous as they may have been, could have easily afforded 40 percent more, or an additional $4 billion, without diminishing their economic status. NewTithing offers a calculator, called PrudentPal, at its Web site to show wealthy Americans how to give more and get the maximum tax benefit.

That such a tiny number of Americans are responsible for such a large share of gifts surprised some charity experts and scholars who study these issues.

"Seven percent of all giving is an astounding figure," said Edward N. Wolff, a research scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation and editor of the Review of Income and Wealth, a scholarly journal. But Mr. Wolff, whose research has concentrated on documenting increased inequality in American society, cautioned that other research reports showed that little giving by wealthy Americans went to charities that directly benefited the poor.

He also contended that charitable giving by the superrich, measured against their assets, had been on a long-term decline.

Lewis M. Feldstein, president of the New Hampshire Charitable Foundation in Concord, N.H., which has commissioned studies of giving by the rich, said he was not surprised by the figures. But, he added, he was certain that the figures would make jaws drop "if given in a speech to any audience of wealthy Americans."

Mr. Feldstein agreed that it would be important to know where gifts by the wealthiest Americans were directed.

"For an organization to qualify as charitable doesn't mean it benefits the poor," he said. "People tend to care the most about institutions they are personally connected to, and those that benefit tend to be those connected to people of means like land charities, museums, colleges and hospitals.''

Until publication of the most recent data, which goes through the year 2000, the highest income category for which the I.R.S. reported was $1 million and up, a group that has now grown to more than a quarter-million households. It recently began slicing the top bracket even finer, reporting incomes separately for those with incomes above $10 million per year, a group with about 11,000 taxpayers.

The I.R.S. also issued a special report on the 400 Americans with the highest incomes each year since 1992. There were 2,211 taxpayers in the 3,600 tax returns examined over the nine-year period; just 21 taxpayers made the list every year.

Actual giving by the top 400 taxpayers may be even larger than the deductions reported on income tax returns.

Mr. Gates, the co-founder and chairman of Microsoft, announced in 1999 gifts totaling $15 billion to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. Yet the I.R.S. data show total charitable giving by the top 400 of just $11 billion for that year.

The most logical explanation for the disparity is that only part of the gifts from the Gates family qualified for an income tax deduction. Mr. Gates announced that his gifts were in shares of Microsoft. Congress limits deductions for gifts of appreciated assets, such as stock, to 30 percent of the donor's adjusted gross income. To deduct the entire gift, Mr. and Mrs. Gates would have had to report income of $50 billion in 1999.

Gifts that cannot be deducted immediately, however, can be carried forward and used as deductions over the following five years.

Similarly, Ted Turner, the founder of CNN, which he sold in 1995 to Time Warner, promised to give a total of $1 billion over 10 years to charities for the United Nations. If such gifts were made in appreciated stock, Mr. Turner would have to report an annual income of at least $333 million to qualify for the full deduction.

Mr. Soros, who made his billions running a highly successful hedge fund, has also announced huge gifts that may have exceeded the maximum deduction, based on his public statements and the new I.R.S. data.

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company | Home | Privacy Policy | Search | Corrections | Help | Back to Top



To: mistermj who wrote (22503)1/2/2004 1:39:27 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793672
 
Success In Georgia

By David Ignatius
washingtonpost.com
Friday, January 2, 2004; Page A21

One bright spot this new year is the former Soviet republic of Georgia, where careful diplomacy appears to have defused a potentially dangerous flashpoint between the United States and Russia.

The names and events in this faraway nation in the Caucasus will be unfamiliar for many readers, but the little-noticed Georgia situation is worth a look. A month ago Moscow and Washington appeared to be on a collision course over the country's future, following the Nov. 23 "Rose Revolution" that toppled Eduard Shevardnadze from Georgia's presidency.

Trouble in Georgia would have added to the Bush administration's headaches at a time when U.S. troops are hunkered down in Iraq, a few hundred miles to the south. And it could have disrupted plans for a new pipeline from the oil-rich Caspian Sea to the West. But this time the administration seems to have dodged a bullet.

Georgia's new presidential elections, scheduled for Sunday, now seem likely to help stabilize the country rather than add to its fragmentation. That's because the leader of a breakaway province known as Ajaria, who had threatened to boycott the elections, reversed himself on Dec. 28 -- probably under pressure from Moscow.

To understand the recent success in Georgia, you have to go back to the volatile events of late last year, when Washington appeared to encourage regime change there. Though Shevardnadze has been a special American ally since his days as the Soviet Union's last foreign minister, the Bush administration became frustrated by what it viewed as corruption and incompetence within his entourage. The United States warned Shevardnadze repeatedly that parliamentary elections scheduled for Nov. 2 must be fair; the message was driven home by a secret letter from President Bush just before the elections.

Many observers took the warnings as evidence that Washington was transferring its loyalties from Shevardnadze to the Georgian opposition, headed by a fiery, U.S.-trained lawyer named Mikheil Saakashvili. Indeed, the Tbilisi rumor mill had it that a White House official on the National Security Council staff was in telephone contact with Saakashvili.

As Washington had feared, Shevardnadze's ruling party won the Nov. 2 parliamentary elections thanks to widespread fraud. The pro-American opposition soon took to the streets in protest, and protesters seized the parliament building on Nov. 22.

A bloody showdown seemed to be looming. But Shevardnadze defused the crisis by announcing that he was resigning. After leaving office, Shevardnadze suggested the United States had betrayed him. He likened his ouster to the removal of Slobodan Milosevic in Yugoslavia and said: "Someone had a plan."

Tensions between Moscow and Washington escalated in the days after the so-called "Rose Revolution." Soviet Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov accused Washington of staging a coup, telling a Moscow newspaper on Dec. 6: "I think there are enough facts proving that the events were not of a spontaneous nature."

Russian President Vladimir Putin summoned to Moscow the leaders of three secessionist Georgian provinces -- Ajaria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Leaders of all three indicated they would boycott the Jan. 4 election to choose a successor to Shevardnadze. The Russian-backed Ajar leader, Aslan Abashidze, said he was considering a formal change in the Georgian state structure.

The risk of confrontation increased when Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld visited Tbilisi Dec. 5 and met with opposition leaders. He demanded that Russia withdraw its troops from Ajaria and the other secessionist areas, and suggested the United States might be ready to send its own troops to the Caucasus. The next day Secretary of State Colin L. Powell denounced "breakaway elements seeking to weaken Georgia's territorial integrity."

What happened next appears to have been a triumph of low-key diplomacy. The U.S. ambassador to Tbilisi, Richard Miles, visited Ajaria on Dec. 23. Then, on Christmas Day, Nino Burjanadze, Georgia's interim president and a former leader of the opposition, met with Putin in Moscow.

The Georgian reformer described her two-hour meeting with Putin as a "breakthrough." She said the new Georgian government would maintain its pro-Western stance, but that it was also "searching for a reasonable compromise" with Russia. "The talk was very open and trusting," she said. A few days later, Abashidze announced that his province would participate in Sunday's elections.

So Georgia became the crisis that didn't happen, thanks to cool heads and quiet talk. When you see news of Sunday's election of opposition leader Saakashvili as Georgia's new president, you can tell yourself that 2004 has gotten off to a fine start -- and hope the good luck continues.

davidignatius@washpost.com

© 2004 The Washington Post Company