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To: unclewest who wrote (23009)1/5/2004 6:12:24 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793687
 
"Hang em High!" Birmingham News





Alabama wants to execute Malvo

01/04/04

CARLA CROWDER
News staff writer

Alabama has more juvenile offenders on Death Row than any state except Texas. Authorities in Montgomery are hoping to add one more to the list - Lee Boyd Malvo.

Recently convicted of a sniper killing, Malvo was spared the death penalty by a Virginia jury, which opted for a life-without-parole sentence.

Last week, Montgomery County District Attorney Ellen Brooks sent a request to Virginia authorities for Malvo's next trial to be in Alabama.

"I think the mood in Montgomery is overwhelmingly for the death penalty in cases like this," said Montgomery Police Chief John Wilson. "This business about being this little baby-faced 17-year-old boy that didn't have any idea what he was doing - that gets nowhere."

No decision has been made on Malvo's next trial. Efforts to reach Brooks last week failed.

If an Alabama jury convicts Malvo of capital murder, it's unlikely he would die for his crimes since the state hasn't executed a juvenile in 43 years, according to a law professor who studies the death penalty for juveniles.

"Given Alabama's record, there's really no chance he'd be executed," said Victor Streib, a professor at Ohio Northern University who writes reports on the juvenile death penalty and tracks cases dating to 1973.

With 13 people who committed crimes as youths on Death Row, Alabama has the second largest juvenile Death Row. Texas, with a population six times larger than Alabama, has 28 juvenile offenders awaiting executions.

Another estimated two dozen to three dozen Alabama juveniles have been indicted on capital charges and are facing trials, said Bryan Stevenson, executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative, a Montgomery-based nonprofit law firm that represents indigent defendants.

Despite the numbers, Alabama courts have an unstable relationship with the juvenile death penalty. Numerous sentences are overturned. The last execution of a juvenile offender in Alabama was in 1961. And all 11 juveniles executed in Alabama since the 1800s have been black, their victims white.

"It's not some percentage. All of them were black. All of them had white victims," Streib said. "When I see a state that's 100 percent executing black offenders for white victims, that's unusual, so one worries about that."

May ignite debate

Malvo was 17 when he and his mentor, Desert Storm veteran John Allen Muhammad, were arrested in a multistate killing spree that left 13 people dead, wounded six and paralyzed the Washington area in 2002.

Soon after, they were indicted on capital murder charges in the shooting death of Claudine Parker, 52, and the wounding of Kellie Adams, employees of a Montgomery liquor store.

A trial in Montgomery would likely renew the discussion of the appropriateness of a death sentence for someone too young to legally vote or smoke - and who already will spend the rest of his life in prison.

Stevenson said people tend to minimize the impact of a life-without-parole sentence for a teenager. "Lee Malvo will die in prison.

"If you believe in our system of justice, the community has spoken about whether he should get the death penalty," Stevenson said. "To spend hundreds of thousands of dollars for criminal proceedings in Alabama just for the chance of the possibility that he might get the death sentence strikes me as wasteful and gratuitous."

A wiser use of the money would be services for victims, he said.

States stand alone

Streib said a steady decline in juvenile death sentences nationwide places Texas and Alabama out of the mainstream. "It's nearly disappeared now," Streib said.

A handful of other countries execute juveniles. In recent history those have included Iran, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Death penalty supporters say the sniper case cries out for society's most severe punishment. They say juveniles, such as Malvo, are often the most callous, remorseless killers. Their crimes are among the worst and the punishment should match.

Clay Crenshaw, chief of the capital crimes division in the Alabama attorney general's office, pointed out the case of Timothy Davis, on Alabama's Death Row since 1980.

"Tim Davis was 17 years old, and he sodomized a 69-year-old woman and stabbed her in the back 17 times, and robbed her to make a motorcycle payment," Crenshaw said. "I don't see any reason to exempt him from the death penalty just because he was 17 years old, and in that particular case he was married and had a job and was carrying on like an adult."

Crenshaw said Alabamians continue to support capital punishment for juveniles. "I certainly don't hear anything from the public or any kind of movement to exempt 16- or 17-year-old capital murderers from the death penalty," he said. "I think the only people arguing for that are anti-death penalty advocates."

Malvo's fellow sniper Muhammad was sentenced to death in Virginia.

Wrong signal

Wilson, the Montgomery police chief, said Alabama's strategy has been based on whether each man gets two death sentences, in case one is overturned.

"You always want to have two eggs in your basket in case you break one," Wilson said.

Likely, Virginia used its strongest case against Malvo first and yet did not get a death sentence, Wilson said. The next case may be weaker, he said, intensifying his interest in trying the teen in Alabama.

"We have probably some of the strongest evidence of all the cases," he said. "We can put him right at the scene with the bodies."

Wilson acknowledges an Alabama trial would be tremendously costly. But he believes it is critical to prevent copycat killings.

"Somebody planted a seed in this young man's head, he was manipulated," Wilson said.

The message was that if a juvenile got caught, the penalty would not be as severe, Wilson said. "I don't want that message to get out."

High reversal rate

Nationwide, when a death sentence is handed down for a youth, it's unlikely to be carried out. The reversal rate in these cases is 86 percent.

Of 24 juvenile death sentences handed down in Alabama since 1978, according to Streib's research, 10 have been reversed and one commuted to life.

Generally reversals come, as in adult cases, when appeals courts find mistakes in the case or shoddy defense attorney work.

Streib pointed out one exception. After the U.S. Supreme Court barred executing juveniles younger than 16, Clayton Joel Flowers was sentenced to death in 1990 in Baldwin County for a crime committed at age 15. His sentence was found unconstitutional and reversed shortly thereafter.

"There's no way that case is in the ballpark," Streib said. "There is sort of a sense of, `I'll show that Supreme Court in Washington.'"

More recently, the Alabama Supreme Court in 2002 overturned the death sentence of Taurus Carroll, convicted of shooting Bettie Long to death in a Birmingham laundry. Her family and the jury recommended life, but a Jefferson County judge sentenced him to death. The Supreme Court said the sentence was excessive.

Bad scenario

While Malvo and Muhammad are allegedly linked to one death and one shooting in Alabama, the pair terrorized a region. "If this is not the worst case scenario, I don't know what is," Wilson said.

However, the area most affected by the shooting rampage may lack the will to execute a teenager. Maryland has a moratorium on the death penalty to study its fairness. The District of Columbia has no death penalty, for adults or juveniles. And Virginia's strongest case failed to yield a death sentence for Malvo.

"If death wasn't appropriate there, it would be inappropriate here," Stevenson said.

Copyright 2004 al.com. All Rights Reserved.



To: unclewest who wrote (23009)1/5/2004 8:28:00 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793687
 
"To the shores of Tripoli"

Standing alone for the right principles
Revisiting a crisis in world history

Dennis Byrne is a Chicago-area writer and public affairs consultant

- Chicago Tribune January 5, 2004

For those who think it is always wiser to put together an international panel of negotiators to try to talk foreign enemies into being nice, I present to you our Arab war.

The one 200 years ago. The one in which diplomacy failed miserably. The one in which Europe refused to help. The one we conducted alone. And won. The Barbary Wars.

Talk about forgetting the lessons of history. One of the first ones we learned 200 years ago was that "diplomacy" and "multilateralism" sometimes must end and direct action must begin. Back then, pirates from the North African states of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli routinely plundered and seized our ships, demanded ransoms for captive crews or sold our sailors into slavery. European shipping routinely suffered the same fate.

Europe's answer was "let's negotiate," which meant sitting down with some pasha and asking him how much money he wanted to leave them alone. Then forking over millions. Thomas Jefferson thought that approach ridiculous, inviting never-ending blackmail. As the American minister to France, he strongly urged a multinational alliance to "reduce the piratical states to peace." Pick them off one at a time "through the medium of war," so the others get the message, and they'll give up their piracy too. Some European powers were "favorably disposed," as Jefferson said, to a joint operation. But guess who had reservations? France. (No kidding, you can't make up this stuff). France, because of its own interests, was suspected of secretly supporting the Barbary powers. So, the plan collapsed in favor of a policy of continued "negotiations" (read: appeasement)--meaning supplicating the blackmailers to tell us how much money they wanted for the ransom of ships and sailors and for annual tributes.

When Jefferson became president in 1801, he finally could do something about it himself. He simply refused Tripoli's demand for a tribute. That provoked Tripoli to declare war on us, as if this young, upstart pup of a nation had any right to stand up for its principles. Jefferson's response was a no-nonsense piece of clarity.

He sent a squadron of ships to blockade and bombard Tripoli. The results of these efforts were somewhat mixed. But on Feb. 16 of this year, we will celebrate the bicentennial of Lt. Stephen Decatur leading 74 volunteers into Tripoli harbor to burn the previously captured American frigate, The Philadelphia, so it could not be used for piracy.

It was considered one of the most heroic actions in U.S. naval history. The next year, Marines bravely stormed a harbor fortress, an act now commemorated in the "Marine Corps Hymn" with the words "... to the shores of Tripoli." Eventually, Morocco, seeing what was in store for it, dropped out of the fight. And the threat of "regime change" in Tripoli led to a treaty of somewhat dubious benefits for the United States.

Demonstrating the need for perseverance and patience, a series of victories in 1815 by Commodores William Bainbridge and Decatur finally led to a treaty ending both piracy against us and tribute payments by us. We even extracted monetary compensation for property they seized from us. Meanwhile, Europeans, continuing their multilateral, diplomatic approach, kept paying and paying and paying.

Lessons? No, it doesn't prove that diplomacy and international cooperation never work. But it demonstrates a principle: The United States, when confronted with weak resolve from the international community against enemies, sometimes needs to stand alone for what is right. And it sometimes works.

By coincidence, Tripoli today is the capital of Libya, whose leader Moammar Gadhafi, noticing the pounding that the United States gave to tyrants in Afghanistan and Iraq, abandoned his own weapons of mass destruction program. Perhaps Gadhafi, unlike some of our own blindly anti-war academics, commentators and politicians, has read history, especially as it happened in Libya.

One more footnote: France finally settled the hash of the Barbary Coast states in 1830 when it simply went in and took over the place. The official provocation, according to France, was some sort of an insult to the French consul in Algiers. France, demonstrating its superior humanitarian instincts, remained there as a colonial power for a century. Unlike the United States, which, wanting only to protect its citizens and its ships, got out when it won.



chicagotribune.com



To: unclewest who wrote (23009)1/5/2004 8:43:46 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793687
 
Windows in Iraq

By Joseph Galloway
Knight Ridder Newspapers - Dallas Morning News
Joseph L. Galloway is senior military correspondent for Knight Ridder Newspapers. 700 National Press Building, Washington, D.C. 20045 jgalloway@krwashington.com

The old year departs and the new one arrives with America embroiled in two and a half wars -- Afghanistan, Iraq and the global war on terrorism. The first six months of 2004 will be critical to success or failure in the struggle, both military and civilian, in Iraq.

We dare not fail there or anywhere we are engaged for the encouragement it would lend to our enemies, who are also the enemies of every relatively moderate government in that region, from Pakistan to Kuwait to Saudi Arabia to the Persian Gulf emirates to Jordan and Egypt.

Both America and its enemies will have the same six-month window of opportunity beginning now and stretching to June 30. That's the period before the July 1 hand-over of control in Iraq to a new transitional government.

During that period, eight of the U.S. Army's 10 divisions will be on the move in the biggest rotation of soldiers since the end of World War II.

Four of those divisions will be withdrawing from Iraq and Afghanistan duty, rotating home for rest and refitting and retraining, while four other divisions and a Marine Expeditionary Force move into harm's way to pull their one-year tour of duty.

During that same period, Ambassador Paul Bremer's Coalition Provisional Authority, the civilian arm of this operation, will be trying to conduct elections; stand up an Iraqi army, police force and civilian defense force; create political conditions for the hand-over to the transitional government; and mobilize the spending of $18 billion from U.S. taxpayers on repairing and rebuilding the nation's infrastructure.

Gen. John P. Abizaid, who commands U.S. Central Command, told me in an interview in December that the wholesale transition of forces in Afghanistan and Iraq "is manageable tactically," and the risk is tempered by both the professionalism and the experience of the troops arriving to take over the war.

Many of the officers and soldiers arriving in Afghanistan and Iraq have already been there, Abizaid said, adding, "They know what they're doing."

There will be overlaps of varying lengths between incoming and outgoing units, depending on how difficult the insurgency problem is in a particular area and how much on-the-ground reconnaissance has been done by advance teams from the arriving divisions, Abizaid said.

The enemy's window of opportunity is precisely that mass movement of American forces -- 130,000 soldiers leaving and more than 100,000 replacing them.

The roads and highways will be filled with American convoys -- prime targets for the improvised explosive devices and rocket-propelled grenades that kill Americans every day, although I would hate to be standing in the path of those convoys of soldiers and Guardsmen when they take the road that leads home. They will shoot first and ask questions later.

The enemy also will focus increased efforts on terrorizing and intimidating those inclined to either join or support a new Iraqi government in staffing the ministries and agencies and manning the security and police forces so vital to protecting that government.

The deployment of that multibillion-dollar Iraq aid package voted by Congress ought to make a major impact for good on the lives of the Iraqi people if -- and that is a big if -- the Americans and the new Iraqi forces can provide enough security so that the projects can be completed without being blown up by the bad guys.

The American administrators also will have their hands full making certain that the local and regional elections that will be the building blocks on which any transitional Iraqi government stands are not only fair but are seen to be fair.

Senior American officials say that half a dozen members of the current Iraqi Governing Council are already maneuvering to cook the books and rig the elections in areas where they either have influence or aspire to control.

If they are allowed to get away with this, it would enrage significant parts of the population, particularly Shiite Muslims and Kurds, who have either supported the American efforts or at least taken a wait-and-see attitude. Then all bets would be off.


© 2004 Star Telegram and wire service sources. All Rights Reserved.
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