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To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/6/2004 5:13:22 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 793670
 
"The laws are being set up to allow the president absolute authority to condemn any individual in secret. "

So which specific laws are you referencing? Got links?



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/6/2004 5:37:04 PM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793670
 
....Objectivity refers to an honest seeking of the truth, whatever that truth may turn out to be and regardless of what its implications might be. Neutrality refers to a preconceived "balance," which subordinates the truth to this preconception.....
______________________________________

Mealy mouth media
Thomas Sowell
January 6, 2004

The British Broadcasting Corporation has made itself look ridiculous by issuing orders that its reporters are not to refer to Saddam Hussein as an ex-dictator. Apparently using the word "dictator" would compromise the BBC's neutrality and call its objectivity into question.

Unfortunately, the BBC is not alone. In much of the American mainstream media, terrorists are referred to as "militants" or "insurgents." Rioters are called "demonstrators."

As American flags went up around the country in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, even the wearing of little American flag lapel pins by TV journalists was banned by some broadcasters, with the notable exception of Fox News.

What makes all this straining for neutrality more than just another passing silliness is that it reveals a serious confusion between neutrality and objectivity. Such verbal posturing has been at its worst in some of the most biased media, such as the BBC.

During World War II, legendary journalist Edward R. Murrow never pretended to be neutral as between the Nazis and the Allies. Yet you would have trouble today finding anyone in the media with anything resembling the stature and integrity of Ed Murrow.

Honesty does not require posturing. In fact, the two things are incompatible. Nor does objectivity require neutrality.

Medical science is no less scientifically objective because it is completely biased in favor of people and against bacteria. Medical researchers are studying cancer cells with scientific objectivity in order to discover what the hard facts are about those cells, regardless of anyone's preconceived beliefs. But they are doing so precisely in order to destroy cancer cells and, if possible, prevent their existence in the first place.

Objectivity refers to an honest seeking of the truth, whatever that truth may turn out to be and regardless of what its implications might be. Neutrality refers to a preconceived "balance," which subordinates the truth to this preconception.

Journalists who reported the horrors of the Nazi concentration camps were not violating canons of objectivity by failing to use such neutral language as calling these places "residential facilities" or those who ran them "hosts."

Nor did the use of the term "dictator" to describe Hitler mean that World War II journalists did not come up to the supposedly high standards of today's media. What does the much-vaunted "public's right to know" mean when mealy mouth words filter out essential facts?

During the Cold War, the confusion between objectivity and neutrality led many journalists to balance negative things said about the Soviet Union with negative things said about the United States. In the circles of the media anointed, a phrase like "the free world" was disdained because it violated this verbal neutrality.

Journalistic sophisticates referred to "the so-called free world." Meanwhile, for decades on end, in countries around the globe, millions of ordinary human beings broke the personal ties of a lifetime, left behind their worldly belongings, and took desperate chances with their lives, and with the lives of their children -- all in order to try to escape to "the so-called free world."

One of the pious phrases of the mealy mouth media is that "the truth lies somewhere in between." It may or it may not. Only after you have found the truth do you know where it is.

For years, there were people who denied that there was a famine in the Soviet Union during the 1930s and others who said that millions died during that famine. Did the truth lie somewhere in between?

The leading scholar who argued that millions starved during Stalin's man-made famine was Robert Conquest of the Hoover Institution, often described in the media as a right-wing think tank. When Mikhail Gorbachev finally opened the official records in the last days of the Soviet Union, it turned out that even more people had died during the famine than Dr. Conquest had estimated.

The truth is where you find it -- and you don't find it with a preconceived "balance" expressed in mealy mouth words.

©2003 Creators Syndicate, Inc.

townhall.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/6/2004 6:48:12 PM
From: michael97123  Respond to of 793670
 
"The laws are being set up to allow the president absolute authority to condemn any individual in secret. It's a mistake to depend on the good intentions of an all-powerful central gov't, even more so anyone in power who covets such authority. "

MSI,
Someone once asked me about capital punishment whether it was worth it was worth execution 100 men even if one were innocent. I wanted those other 99 committer of heinous crimes dead, but i reluctantly said no. When it comes to terrorism and war, I answer differently. What i dont want to see is concentration camps for arabs and muslims. Better to get the 99 bad guys and make restitution to the innocent man later on. The other way leads to more successful terror and then a racist movement against the arab and muslim community. And no i would not be a happy camper if i were that one(probably more like 5) who was held in that way. Mike



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/6/2004 9:50:23 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793670
 
Advocacy group winnows hundreds of anti-Bush ads to 15

BETH FOUHY, Associated Press Writer Monday, January 5, 2004

(01-05) 19:08 PST SAN FRANCISCO (AP) --

Ask liberals to participate in an advertising contest dubbed "Bush in 30 Seconds," and you'll get more than a few negative entries.

Children toiling on a grocery checkout line to pay the bill for the nation's budget deficit. Faces of American soldiers killed in Iraq paired with video of President Bush making the case for war. An elfin Bush impersonator taking money from the elderly and delivering it to a corporate doorstep.

These are just some of the images from the 15 television ads selected as finalists Monday in the contest sponsored by the liberal online advocacy Web site, MoveOn.org. The contest generated some 1,500 submissions from amateur videographers critiquing President Bush and his policies.

"Our purpose was to tap into the huge creative pool outside the Beltway, and from that perspective, it totally succeeded," said Eli Pariser, Campaigns Director for the MoveOn.org Voter Fund. "We were amazed at the amount of new thinking we saw."

The 15 finalists -- produced in a range of non-Beltway locations including Foster City, Calif., Lawrence, Kan. and West Linn, Ore. -- were selected by more than 100,000 MoveOn members who viewed and voted on the submissions, which appeared on the organization's Web site. The winning ad will be chosen by a panel of Democratic activists including filmmaker Michael Moore and consultant James Carville and announced at a gala in New York next week. The ad will air during the week of Jan. 20, when Bush delivers his State of the Union address.

Not included among the 15 is a controversial submission comparing President Bush to Adolf Hitler that has drawn angry protests from Jewish organizations and the Republican National Committee. The ad appeared on MoveOn's Web site during the voting period, which began Dec. 17. It was removed at the close of the contest Dec. 31.

"It is shocking that a mainstream political group like MoveOn.org not only allowed this vile and outrageous comparison of the American President to Adolf Hitler to be entered into its ... contest in the first place, but that they even went so far as to make it available to the public on the Internet," said Abraham H. Foxman, National Director of the Anti-Defamation League.

The Republican National Committee is running the ad on its own Web site, which Chairman Ed Gillespie has called "political hate speech." On Monday, he called upon the nine Democratic presidential contenders to renounce the ad.

Pariser defended the decision to include the ad at its site along with the hundreds of other submissions, saying the fact that it "sank to the bottom" among voters was a clear indication of the selection process working.

"The RNC isn't doing its homework, basically," Pariser said. "To go on TV saying we were promoting these vile ads is factually totally inaccurate."

MoveOn.org, which was founded by two Silicon Valley entrepreneurs in 1998 to oppose the impeachment of President Clinton, has grown into a political powerhouse with 1.7 million members active on a range of issues, from campaign finance reform to opposing the war in Iraq. The organization announced months ago it intended to raise $10 million from its members to air anti-Bush ads through March. In November, billionaire philanthropist George Soros and his business partner Peter Lewis pledged a $5 million matching grant.

sfgate.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/6/2004 10:25:34 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793670
 
Dean Hasn't Got a Prayer in Dixie
The Democrat is wasting his time trying to appeal to the Southern Christian voting bloc; most have already cast their lot with Bush.
By James P. Pinkerton
James P. Pinkerton is a fellow at the New America Foundation in Washington.

January 6, 2004 LA TIMES

After decades of reticence about religion, Howard Dean is now talking up his personal faith in Jesus Christ. How come? Could sinking poll numbers have anything to do with his sudden openness? Yet before Dean ventures too far into territory that's obviously unfamiliar to him, he might pause and realize that those who prefer theocracy to democracy have already anointed their candidate — and he isn't it.

Dean is the front-runner for the Democratic presidential nomination, but months of pounding from his fellow Democratic hopefuls have taken their toll on his general-election standing. According to Newsweek, his 7-point deficit against George W. Bush has deepened into a 13-point deficit.

Dean's biggest hurdle is the South, which is home to nearly a third of the electoral votes in the country. So, looking ahead to November, the former Vermont governor has been struggling, however awkwardly, to appeal to white Southerners.

In November, he said he wanted to be "the candidate for guys with Confederate flags in their pickup trucks." Every Yankee veteran of the Civil War must have spun in his patriot grave over those words, but Dean rival Richard Gephardt had the best retort: "I will be the candidate for the guys with American flags in their pickup trucks." Dean eventually apologized.

Now he is trying another route into the hearts of Dixie: speaking about religion in the region that the City University of New York's 2001 American Religious Identification Survey called the most religious part of the country. As Dean told the Washington Post on Sunday, "I am gradually getting more comfortable to talk about religion in ways I did not talk about before."

In fact, a recent cover story in the New Republic called Dean "one of the most secular candidates to run for president in modern history." And the Post reporter, betraying a certain skepticism about Dean's beliefs, noted that the Vermonter "rarely attends church services, unless it is for a political event." Indeed, for all his religious display — "God bless you and keep you," he said recently in South Carolina — Dean displays considerable unfamiliarity with the Bible. Having volunteered that he most identifies with the New Testament, he was asked to name his favorite book. His answer was the Book of Job, which, of course, is in the Old Testament.

Explaining his clumsiness, Dean said, "I am not used to wearing religion on my sleeve."

But by using those particular words, he piled verbal klutziness on top of religious clumsiness. A proud Christian would be unlikely to admit wearing religion on his sleeve, because ostentatious devotion is directly condemned by Jesus. In Matthew 6, Jesus denounced "hypocrites" who turn praying into showing off.

Instead, Jesus commanded his followers, "when you pray, go into your room, close the door and pray to your Father, who is unseen." And so one might wonder: If Jesus disdained showy prayer, how would he feel about showily praying politicians?

In fact, in a country full of many faiths — and of many people with no faith at all — the public's business is best conducted by those willing to keep their own beliefs close to their hearts, but never on their sleeves. That's what the founders had in mind when they created the American republic. For the most part, Washington, Jefferson & Co. were believing Christians, but for their political inspiration they didn't look to Moses or Jesus but rather to the pagan Greeks and Romans — and also to theological radicals such as the Freemasons. That's why early American public buildings look like Greco-Roman temples, and why there's that Masonic pyramid on the back of the dollar bill, and not a cross.

That classical civic faith has faded. Today, candidates clamber onto the Born Again Express. And Dean will never catch up with Bush, who said in 1999 that his favorite political philosopher was Christ.

Indeed, those who declaim the loudest about their faith have already anointed Bush as their chosen candidate for 2004. On Friday, televangelist Pat Robertson announced that God had told him that "George Bush is going to win in a walk … the Lord has just blessed him."

Among such voters, Dean doesn't have a prayer. So he might as well run at least honestly, as the candidate of Democrats, not theocrats.

latimes.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/7/2004 12:32:14 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
Dean: Dominator or Detonator?

By David S. Broder

Wednesday, January 7, 2004; Page A21

DES MOINES -- Howard Dean is now racing the clock to see what comes first -- nomination or detonation.

The former Vermont governor is closing in on the honor of leading the Democratic ticket at the same time that his critics and rivals are busily converting his own utterances into controversies that could blow his chances to smithereens. The nightmare possibility for the Democrats is that the two might happen at once -- that Dean will polish off his opponents just as he commits the gaffe of all gaffes, the one for which no repairs are possible.

It is hard to recall another challenger who has simultaneously outdistanced, out-organized and outmaneuvered the other candidates as thoroughly and swiftly as Dean has done, and at the same time has so thoroughly demonstrated a penchant for embarrassing himself.

Whatever happens the rest of the way, it is clear that the doctor has an instinct for the political jugular -- other people's and his own. Dean has been scoring despite himself -- and because of himself.

It was near genius for him to grasp as early as he did -- well before the Democratic fiasco in the midterm election of 2002 -- that grass-roots party activists were disgusted by the congressional party leaders' futile efforts to finesse both the tax issue and the war with Iraq and were wide open to being recruited by a dogmatic, even demagogic critic of President Bush and the Washington establishment.

It was brilliant of Dean and his aides to make the Internet the most effective organizing and fundraising mechanism the Democrats have seen since John Kennedy's sisters used tea parties with Mama Rose to recruit willing workers.

Those insights have put Dean into an exceptionally favorable position in the opening contests, here in Iowa on Jan. 19 and in New Hampshire on Jan. 27. With nine candidates contesting for votes, he doesn't have to persuade a majority to support him. He just has to turn out the true believers.

Even modest plurality wins in those races would translate into a wealth of favorable publicity, and with more money to spend than any of his opponents, Dean could well run the table of the early February contests before anyone else effectively mobilizes a counterattack.

Because this possibility is now so evident, the efforts to detonate a political bombshell under his express-train candidacy have become steadily more frantic. The nationally televised debate here on Sunday, sponsored by the Des Moines Register and Iowa Public Television, was essentially a series of attempts to make Dean explain -- or recant -- some of the remarkable things he has said in the past few weeks.

In the area of foreign policy, his rivals say Dean has demonstrated his inexperience and naiveté. To argue, as Dean did, on the day after Saddam Hussein's capture by American troops, that jailing the Iraqi dictator left America "no safer" was a classically ill-timed remark. Whatever the ultimate judgment of history, that was a day for celebrating the success of the manhunt for this thoroughly malignant character.

His remark to the Concord Monitor that he did not want to prejudge the guilt or innocence of Osama bin Laden left Dean arguing a legalistic point that once again set him apart from public opinion. As he later acknowledged, no real doubt attaches to the al Qaeda leader's role in masterminding the attacks that took nearly 3,000 lives at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Dean himself later said that a death sentence would be just punishment when bin Laden is found. His effort to rationalize his earlier remark on the grounds that he might be president when bin Laden is brought to trial and that a government official "must uphold the rule of law" put a hypothetical barrier in the way of identifying himself with a near-universal sentiment among the American people.

When rival candidates criticized Dean's utterances in the debate, he did not erupt nor did he bother to extricate himself. He simply put the same words back on the record in a more benign context -- hoping to damp down the explosive potential.

Were these isolated incidents, the damage might be minimal. But Dean has found so many ways in a short time to set people's teeth on edge -- with his comments about the Confederate flag, about his struggle to bring himself to talk religion in the South, about his variant positions on Medicare and trade and other issues -- that this is clearly a pattern.

The voting can't come too soon for this accident-prone star.

davidbroder@washpost.com

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/7/2004 5:04:49 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
Andrew Sullivan:
FURTHER THOUGHTS ON DEANO: To clarify: I didn't say I'd support Dean over Bush or that I agreed with everything Dean has said. Far from it. I just think it's healthy for the Dems and the country to have a real debate, especially about how to deal with terrorism. Bush thinks it's a war; Dean doesn't. Therein lies a very important discussion, one that's been bedeviled by the far left's loopiness and the need to rally around the president during a national security crisis. I'm glad that Dean won't wilt under pressure. Even if democracy flourishes in Iraq, he will stick to regretting that we ever deposed Saddam by force of arms. I want to see that argument aired and resolved.

IS HE ON THE LEFT? Some of you have argued that one of my premises is wrong, and that Dean is not a lefty. His record in hyper-liberal Vermont - expanding healthcare benefits incrementally, opposing gay marriage, balancing budgets - is indeed realtively moderate. But his mojo in this campaign has been clearly leftward. The way in which he demonizes corporations, wants to raise taxes on everyone who got relief under Bush, viscerally opposed the Iraq war, and taunts the DLC makes him a candidate that Naderites could easily support. Sure, he's going to tilt rightward if he wins the nomination - and maybe beforehand. But a politician's base matters - look at Bush's. More important, the key message of Dean is not really about policy. It's about liberating the Democratic Party's id - an impulse repressed by the moderate Clintonian ego for a very long time. Dean realizes - because it's obvious - that this is why he is the front-runner. The current New Yorker has a very useful profile and it contains the following Dean quote:
"I think the problem with the Democratic Party in general is that they've been so afraid to lose they're willing to say whatever it takes it to win. And once you're willing to say whatever it takes to win, you lose — because the American people are much smarter than folks in Washington think they are. Do I still believe it? I think you have to be ready to move forward and not just try to hold on to what you've got. I truly believe that if you're not moving forward you're moving backwards in life. There's no such thing as neutral."
This is a brilliant analysis of what ails the Democrats. If he's a doctor, he's got the diagnosis dead right. I say: unleash the id. Risk losing. It's what Thatcher did in the 1970s (her previous record was decidedly statist) and what Goldwater did before her. It will do the Democrats good - even if they lose badly.
- 1:18:42 AM

DEAN ON FOREIGN POLICY: One anecdote in the New Yorker piece also struck me as worth relaying. It's Dean's account of a foreign policy professor he once had. In Dean's revealing words:
One professor who made a big impression was Wolfgang Leonhard, who taught Russian history. He'd been a Party official in East Germany and had defected. A fantastic lecturer. He once told us, 'Pravda lies in such a way that not even the opposite is so.' That really hit home. I felt he wasn't just referring to the Soviet government but to our own at the time. You knew it from some of the things Nixon talked about — denying the bombing of Cambodia — or from Kissinger’s 'Peace is at hand' statement, when clearly peace wasn't at hand. They said these things just to get reëlected. I think there are some similarities between George Bush’s Administration and Richard Nixon's Administration: a tremendous cynicism about the future of the country; a lack of ability to instill hope in the American people; a war which doesn't have clear principles behind it; and a group of people around the President whose main allegiance is to each other and their ideology rather than to the United States.
Those are words from the boomer left - especially the easy equivalence he draws between the United States and the Soviet Union. Whatever centrism Dean professes in domestic policy, anyone who can say what he said will be another Jimmy Carter abroad.

andrewsullivan.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/7/2004 8:50:51 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
Upper Left
Proudly Partisan News & Views by Shaun Dale

Tuesday, January 06, 2004
As I was saying...

...I spent an hour on the phone, conferencing with a statewide telephone gathering of Kerry volunteers and listening to National Campaign Chair Jeanne Shaheen.

The closest thing to a scoop was Gov. Shaheen's confirmation polls demonstrating Kerry's Iowa surge ahead of Gephardt and into a MOE tie with Dean. The fact that she took the time to call in from New Hampshire, though, was a significant confirmation that the campaign is looking past January and pursuing a national strategy for the nomination.

The most impressive thing about the call, though, wasn't really the star value of our notable guest caller. What really impressed me was the strength and depth of the Kerry campaign outside the liberal corridor of the central Puget Sound region. I'm a native Seattleite, and yes, as a matter of fact, I do think my hometown is the center of the universe, but I know there are votes in a lot of corners that a lot of campaigns have overlooked over the years.

Nothing's being overlooked by the Kerry camp, though. The campaign has been fully staffed statewide for a couple of months now, and there's a strong cadre of volunteers in every corner of the upper left. I'm no horticulturalist - heck, I'm not even a rural guy like HoHo of Manhattan - but the last time I checked, grass roots are grown on the ground, not in the air. Kerry may not match Dean's Seattle Meetup statistics, but he's built the kind of campaign on the ground that fills chairs in the caucus rooms.

Iowa surprise? Looks like. But just wait 'til we wow 'em in Washington!

// posted by Shaun @ 5:28 PM
upper-left.blogspot.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/8/2004 12:10:53 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
Upper Left Blog - Where a discouraging word is heard.

It looks like it's just one of those days.

My scan of blogs and news sites has turned up one Dean story after another again, and none of them seem to reflect very well on the Doctor.

Sometimes even his best friends and closest advisors can't offer much good news. A Boston Globe story about the potential for yet another Dean flip-flop shows that the best brains he can muster think his tax plan is nothing but a bad idea.

Dean economic strategist Dean Baker is pretty straightfoward. ""Certainly when we had discussions, everyone seemed to be coming down the same way," he said. "In setting up a clear opposition to Bush, the easiest thing to say is, `I'm repealing the tax cut.' But I think it wasn't thought out carefully, not just for the politics, but for the policy. That wasn't what you wanted to do."

Hmmm. Bad policy. Bad politics. Yep, that's bad news.

Baker's not alone. The Globe reports that "Harlan Sylvester, who chaired Dean's council of economic advisers in Vermont during all 11 years when Dean was governor and also talks regularly with the campaign, worries that Dean will be "bombarded" by Republicans unless he amends his position. "They are going to be saying, `You are going raise taxes by $1 trillion.' I wouldn't think that is good...I think the problem is, a family of four making $70,000 a year, their taxes would increase something like $2,300."

And yet Dean, inexplicably, sticks to his $300 tax break story.

Well, for now, anyway. Yet another member of the Dean economic team, Alan Blinder, "talks with campaign staff on a daily basis, said the discussions have centered on "softening the blow to the middle class" that would occur with the repeal of the Bush cut."

So another flip, another flop, and a gaping hole in the center of Dean's policy argument.

upper-left.blogspot.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/8/2004 5:01:52 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
Can Dean Win, And Do Democrats Even Care?

By Terry M. Neal
washingtonpost.com Staff Writer
Thursday, January 8, 2004; 12:00 AM

For months, Howard Dean's Democratic primary opponents have made electability their main argument against him. The former Vermont governor, they said, simply could not beat President Bush in the general election.

In fact, a CNN/Gallup/USA Today poll out this week shows Bush leading Dean, 59 percent to 37 percent. But that poll doesn't ask how the other candidates might do. And it conflicts with a CNN/Time poll conducted Dec. 30 through Jan. 4 that compared Democratic candidates in head-to-head contests with Bush. In that poll, Dean matches up better than the others, trailing the president 51 percent to 46 percent.

The CNN/Time poll shows Sen. Joseph Lieberman trailing Bush by 6 points, Rep. Richard A. Gephardt 9 points, Sen. John Edwards and retired Army Gen. Wesley Clark 10 points each, and Sen. John Kerry 11 points.

However, in late October, in a Washington Post/ABC News poll that compared five Democratic candidates in head-to-head general election contests with Bush, Dean fared the worst, trailing Bush by 15 points.

A strange thing happened on the way to the nomination. Almost as if to rebuke the Washington establishment, many voters seem to be sending the message that they'd prefer to decide who is electable, rather than be told who is. Support for Lieberman and Kerry in particular seems to have eroded, or at least remained unchanged, in key early voting states, even as the candidates have stepped up their attacks on Dean.

Clearly, in the minds of some voters, Dean's opponents have spent more time attacking him than building a case for themselves.

Electability Schelectability

In his Roll Call column this week, elections analyst Stuart Rothenberg examines the electability argument, suggesting that it's overrated and overused as a campaign strategy -- particularly after a party has only been out of the White House for four years.

"There is only one small problem with the electability argument: It never works," Rothenberg writes. "Or, more specifically, it hasn't worked in the first election after a party loses the White House since the nomination has been decided in primaries and caucuses, not in mythical smoke-filled rooms … And here is another bulletin: There is scant evidence that voters are paying any more attention to electability this cycle than they have in the past."

This point is underscored in a Post/ABC News poll conducted last month. Voters who lean Democrat were asked whether it was more important to them that a candidate agree with them on their most important issue or whether the candidate could beat Bush. Seventy-three percent said it was more important to pick a candidate on the issues, compared to 25 percent who said beating Bush was more important.

That's very good news for Dean, because his opponents' barbs about electability are falling on deaf ears. But there is also a historical lesson here, as Rothenberg astutely points out.

Both Democrat George McGovern and Republican Barry Goldwater were nominated by their parties four years after their respective parties lost the White House. Both men "came from the fringes of the political mainstream of their time, and each promised to bring passion and attract new voters to their party," Rothenberg wrote. Does that make Dean his day's McGovern or Goldwater?

It seems as though a party has to be out of office for eight years before electability becomes a major issue. George W. Bush was a prime example of that. For his party, Bush's presumed electability superseded other issues, including questions about his experience, gravitas and ideological purity. (Remember, Bush was seen as more of a moderate back then.)

For Republicans eight years out of the White House in 2000, the election was about building the most invincible candidate. For Democrats in 2004, only four years out of the White House, this election is more about sending a message, not only to Republicans, but to party leaders in Washington.

Dean's supporters believe he can beat Bush. And if they can win while sending a message, great. But they also seem to be saying they'd rather go down fighting than win compromising.

It's Better to Have Loved and Lost Than Never Loved At All

But this is not a unanimous sentiment. There are plenty of people in the Democratic Party who believe Dean is a disaster in waiting, a man who will be easily tagged outside the mainstream and go down as easily as McGovern, Walter Mondale or Michael Dukakis did.

Those people, however, are splitting their votes among Gephardt, Lieberman, Kerry and Edwards. The only other candidate to show real improvement in the polls is Clark, who -- like Dean -- opposed the war in Iraq and is running as a Washington outsider.

A new series of Lieberman ads launched in early voting states this week underscore the electability strategy.

In a new television ad running in South Carolina and Oklahoma, where primaries will be held on Feb. 3 and are crucial to Lieberman's winning strategy, the announcer asks: "How do we defeat George Bush's extreme agenda? It'll take more than extreme anger. Joe Lieberman has spent 30 years rejecting the extremes of both parties."

In a radio ad now running in New Hampshire, where Dean maintains a substantial lead in polls, the announcer asks: "Hey, want to know a secret? Shhh. It's from a private closed-door meeting between George W. Bush and the prime minister of Australia. Newspapers report that George Bush told the prime minister who he thinks would be the toughest Democrat for him to run against. What do you think he said? Howard Dean? No way. George Bush said that Joe Lieberman would be the toughest Democrat to beat. That's right. Lieberman's the one that Bush says he worries about the most."

Can't Buy Me Love -- But What About Elections?

The Dean campaign, meanwhile, is touting its candidate's electability. The campaign has been crowing about its fundraising prowess. The campaign broke a preelection-year Democratic record by raising more than $40 million. And Dean campaign manager Joe Trippi vowed to keep pace or exceed Bush's prodigious fundraising.

In a conference call with reporters on Wednesday, Bush campaign manager Ken Mehlman said the campaign had raised $130 million last year and $47 million in the fourth quarter alone -- more than Dean raised the entire year.

While Bush has had his fundraising universe to himself, Dean has been fighting for dollars as one of nine candidates. But Trippi promised to expand on Dean's tremendous success reaching out to new voters should Dean become the nominee.

"If the Democratic Party cannot get 2 million Americans to give $100 each [enough to raise $200 million], there is something really wrong with this party," Trippi told the Post. "We fiercely believe we can do this."

Meanwhile, Mehlman was asked on Wednesday whether he believed Dean would be able to match Bush dollar-for-dollar should they compete in the general election.

"We're not really focused on what they're doing," Mehlman insisted.

And if you believe that, I've got some tickets to sell you for Michael Moore's keynote speech at the Republicans' convention in September.

© 2004 Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/8/2004 8:24:15 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
THE POLLSTERS - "The Hill"
Mark Mellman
Mark S. Mellman is president of The Mellman Group and has worked for Democratic candidates and causes since 1982.

Attn. Dems: Dean can’t beat Bush

A paradox is haunting Democrats. Commentators repeatedly note that, as much as anything else, Democrats want a candidate who can beat George Bush. Yet the current front-runner is the Democrat least likely to succeed in removing Bush from the White House. (OK, I work for one of his opponents, but facts are facts.)

Howard Dean accomplished some amazing things last year for which he deserves tremendous credit, but they have come at a cost. While the former Vermont governor is turning Democrats on, he is turning off swing independents.

Perhaps the pre-eminent symbol of Dean’s severe general-election problem is his standing in New Hampshire. Nowhere, outside of Vermont, is he better-known. Nowhere else has Dean spent as much money, time and energy courting voters. He has catapulted himself into a significant lead in the Democratic primary.

But recent polling makes it clear that despite all the ads, despite all the time he has spent and the press coverage he has generated, Dean is in desperate straits in a New Hampshire general election where he trails Bush by an astounding 27 points (57 percent Bush, 30 percent Dean). And this is a state Bill Clinton won and a state Al Gore lost by only 7,211 votes. But Dean has alienated all those who do not identify as Democrats. Less than 1 percent of Republicans would vote for Dean, while 14 percent of Democrats support Bush. Most troubling is the fact that Dean garners only 11 percent among swing independents (undeclared) while Bush gets 63 percent of this vote. Moreover, this poll predates the capture of Saddam Hussein.

Dean’s serious troubles are evident in a variety of other states as well. Florida is central, but Dean loses by 23 points. Arizona is a state we hope to bring into the Democratic column in ‘04, but Dean lags 15 points behind Bush. Democrats always hope for Ohio, but Bush has a 19-point advantage over Dean.

Dean says he hopes to make gains in the South, but his clumsy handling of the Confederate flag issue has only made that goal more elusive. He is 21 points behind Bush in Virginia and 22 points behind in North Carolina.

Dean’s desperate general election straits also are clearly evident in national polls. A Washington Post poll at the end of December showed a generic Democrat trailing Bush by just 9 points (50 percent to 41 percent) while Dean trails Bush by 18 points (55 percent to 37 percent). Among independents, a generic Democrat trails Bush by 12 points (50 percent to 38 percent) while Dean loses to Bush by 21 points (56 percent to 35 percent).

The recent CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll shows Bush having opened up a 23-point lead over Dean, while NBC/Wall Street Journal pegs Dean’s deficit at 21 points. CBS found Bush 20 points ahead.

Some may counter with another poll taken over New Year’s weekend that shows Dean much closer. I frankly wouldn’t pay any attention at all to one poll, taken on one of the worst polling days imaginable. Moreover, those same sponsors released a poll yesterday showing Bush with a 22-point lead over Dean.

Dean’s weakness is not just a function of Bush strength. The president leads a generic Democrat by just one to seven points, depending on the pollster and specific questions. Dean trails by much larger margins. A number of state and national polls also indicate that other Democrats, including (my client) Sen. John Kerry (Mass.), run more strongly against Bush than does Dean.

Democrats who want a general election winner should think twice.

USA Today’s cartoonist summed up Democrats’ dilemma last week with a picture of a thousand dollar check written to the Dean campaign by Bush-Cheney ’04. The memo tells Dean to simply “keep talking!!!!”

thehill.com



To: MSI who wrote (23209)1/12/2004 9:06:20 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793670
 
"All that matters is our security. Other issues and policies are small change compared with, 'Who's going to do his utmost to keep us alive? Who's going to be most serious about those who would kill us?' There's only one issue in this campaign: who understands the threat, and who doesn't."


January 12, 2004, 8:30 a.m.
“If Quayle had said it . . .”; 9/11 Democrats; overcredentialization — and more
Jay Nordlinger's "Impromptus" NRO

Can you imagine — can you imagine — if Quayle had said that his favorite New Testament book was Job? Can you imagine?

Of course you can.

For the past, oh, 15 years, I've had many occasions to say, "If Dan Quayle had said that . . ." I suppose that I, and other Quayle-defenders, will be saying it for the rest of our lives. We said it when Al Gore talked about a leopard changing its stripes, and when he interpreted E pluribus unum to mean "Out of one, many." We have had several occasions to say it during the current Democratic primary campaign. (Dean rivals W. as a syntax-mangler, and he may surpass him.)

Youngsters will tire of hearing the oldsters say, "If Dan Quayle . . ." — but I have a feeling that I, myself, will never tire of it. The Establishment abuse of Dan Quayle is one of the most disgraceful things I know.

Let me express my opinion that Bush will have to deal with these Paul O'Neill charges. He and his people can't just let them lie and say, "Oh, the public'll figure out that this is just an embittered old guy who was fired." O'Neill has made quite serious charges, and they deserve quite serious answers. Mr. O'Neill is not a left-wing, Bush-hating flake. (Well, he may be Bush-hating, but the other things, he is not.)

In my view, the White House often takes the doctrine of non-response too far. "Oh, the public'll see through it." No, they won't. Why should a former Treasury secretary be automatically dismissed? Bush himself should answer O'Neill's accusations, if only to shake his head and sigh over them.

The psychology of the Clintons is fodder for endless commentary, but let me say something brief: A lot of people speculate that President Clinton is trying to arrange it so that the Democratic nominee fails this year, setting the stage for Hillary in '08.

Okay, want to get deeper in psychology? What makes us so sure that Clinton is eager for his wife to win?

Yesterday, I was having breakfast with a friend of mine, a lifelong Democrat — but not a leftist Democrat, more like an admirer of FDR-Truman-JFK. Explaining his intention to vote for Bush in '04, he said approximately the following: "All that matters is our security. Other issues and policies are small change compared with, 'Who's going to do his utmost to keep us alive? Who's going to be most serious about those who would kill us?' There's only one issue in this campaign: who understands the threat, and who doesn't."

I have a feeling that he is not alone in that. In fact, I know it. Let me share with you a note from a reader, received last week:

"I am a registered Democrat, though more what I would call a 9/11 Democrat — still more liberal than your average bear, but awakened from a knee-jerk leftist slumber by the events of that day that struck at the heart of my great and beautiful city [New York]."

That phrase "9/11 Democrat" — I like it. It may be the new "Reagan Democrat." And let's hope that, as in the former case, there are tons.

A Harvard student wrote me the following:

"A few weeks ago the premier of China came to speak here and was interrupted by a single protester with a Tibetan flag. (Someone actually mentioned this on NRO, I believe.) Well, I just discovered that this girl is now facing disciplinary action by the university. This is my fifth year at Harvard [the writer was an undergrad at the school and is now doing something else] and I have watched the administration do nothing to eject the loud mob of 'Progressive Student Labor Organization' protesters who disrupted all of Harvard Yard for an entire month. I have seen nearly every conservative speaker at every Harvard school booed and harassed with no consequences. And I myself have been jeered at and called a 'pig' by an assembled group of College Democrats while simply walking into a building where the undergrad Republican organization was having a meeting. All of this the university has allowed in defense of free speech, but one girl waves a flag at a dictator and she's going before the Administrative Board. I have never been so disgusted to be a student here."

I have much to say, but maybe we should just absorb that letter. A story in the Harvard Crimson, incidentally, is found here.

Oh, let me add one remark: In my own day, I saw every conservative speaker at Harvard disrupted, and sometimes worse. Indeed, I believe that the contra Adolfo Calero was physically attacked. And to think that this one brave, anti-totalitarian girl . . . Well, at least she'll be able to claim some sort of solidarity with the PRC's many political prisoners.

One quotation from the latest John F. Burns report from Iraq, published in the New York Times: "In a conversation at his headquarters in the Republican Palace in Baghdad . . ., [General Sanchez, our commander in Iraq] said that despite the scale of warfare that has disappointed and even shocked many Americans, allied forces here could fail only if the political will of the United States faltered. 'I really believe that the only way we are going to lose here, is if we walk away from it like we did in Vietnam,' he said. 'If the political will fails, and the support of the American public fails, that's the only way we can lose.'"

Better be sure we don't. Somehow.

Did y'all know that India is building a 435-mile fence through Kashmir, to keep Muslim terrorists from killing its people? How dare they "predetermine" borders, the imperialist, colonialist thugs (not to mention "unhelpful" to U.S. efforts in the region)!

Oh, that's another country, excuse me.

As regular readers of this column know, one of my pet peeves is the overcredentialization of American life — the idea that you have to have a diploma, or some other certificate, to do anything. Let's not get started, just now, on ed schools, journalism schools, and social-work schools, those crocks (sorry).

The New York Post carried a story the other day about Michael Freeman, a veteran sports reporter. For eleven years, he was at the New York Times, and today he was to begin a job as a sports columnist for the Indianapolis Star. But — and here I am quoting the Post's reporter, Keith J. Kelly — "on his job application, he said he had graduated from the University of Delaware. But a tipster called the paper and said it wasn't true. When the paper investigated and found he had not graduated, Freeman resigned."

Freeman had spent four years at U-Delaware but had not obtained a degree. Of his representations, he himself said, "These were lies. This was a terrible and unforgivable manipulation of the facts and I have resigned from my newly accepted position."

It was indeed terrible to have lied, and I'm sure that Freeman was right to resign, and that the Star was right to accept that resignation. But think about it: The man was a proven reporter, for eleven years at the most prestigious newspaper in America. (Sorry — please don't send me any mail. It's just true, whether it should be or not.) Shortly before this scandal broke, the Star's sports editor called him "one of the best sportswriters in the country."

And he needed a college degree? I mean, wasn't his record enough?

The overcredentialization of American life is an ongoing sadness.

Pity Howard Dean, for just a moment: those transcriptions from that show in Montreal, coming back to bite him. That's what he gets for committing punditry.

Can you imagine what would happen if I (for example) ran for office? Talk about a paper trail! Or would that be a Google/Nexis trail?

Here's the most fascinating thing that Dean said on that show, in my opinion — not the (true) remarks on the Iowa caucus, not the other more publicized stuff: "I don't happen to agree with the [tax] deduction for people with children because I think that it does discriminate against people without children [so far, so good], and I also think that at a time when population control is a major issue in the world that that's not a good idea."

Uh-oh. Uh . . . oh! Dean has just got to be one of those anti-population types — one of those "too many people" types, let's not encourage 'em to breed, or maybe . . . Hell, I don't know. How does he feel about China's one-child policy? My guess is, pretty good. I'm sure most of his Med School classmates agree.

I take Dean's comment to be yet one more piece of evidence that he is a nearly perfect specimen of contemporary leftism, in all his attitudes, prejudices, and beliefs.

Of course, they need representation too! And, boy, do they got it.

I have a heck of a lot more in the bottomless grab-bag, but you've had enough, for one day. Let me share a couple of letters, and then split.

"Dear Jay: I live in the lovely Bay Area (physically lovely, that is, but filled with many unlovely people). Lately I have read letters to the editor, or heard comments such as 'Why are we spending our money on the people of Iraq when we have so many here without health insurance,' etc. etc. I'm sure you've heard the same sentiments expressed.

"It just hit me the other day. Twenty years ago I was a Peace Corps volunteer, teaching in Liberia (not a lovely country). Never did I or any of my fellow volunteers believe that our efforts would be better put to use back in the States. Most of us realized what a blessed gift we had been given, and we were happy to share our gift of a good education with those who had so little. What has happened to the liberals in the last 20 years? Do they realize what they are suggesting? Should we cut off funding to the Peace Corps and any and all foreign aid programs because we can spend the money here instead? I guess I am just astonished at how low these people will go to try to undercut our efforts in Iraq simply because a Republican is leading the country.

"I should add by the way that some of those making such snarky statements are the same people I was in the Peace Corps with. Very sad."

Very sad, yes — and very, very well said, by this dear lady. They don't make liberals like they used to, do they?

And check this out: "How on earth can they call it a 'Capitol Holiday Tree'? As far as I can remember my family has never lit the eight pinecones of Chanukah. Do you think the secularists are referring to the Burning Bush? My Buddhist friends do not have a decorated tree for any winter event nor as far as my readings tell me does the Koran make mention of a tree or even a shrub as part of Islam's observances.

"I relish in the joy that my children and their children take in the celebration of Christmas (my ex was Christian). As long as I can publicly observe my religion in this one nation under God why would I object to the public celebration of Christmas or any other religious observance? This is not France. We need to take pride in who we are and not hide in the shadows as so many must in not-so-free nations.

"While we are on the subject of holidays, permit me to make clear my annoyance with Presidents' Day. There is absolutely no reason to celebrate every president of the United States. Many of the beggars shouldn't have been in any public office. Why would I want to commemorate Martin Van Buren, William Henry Harrison, Millard Fillmore, William McKinley [hey, hey, now], Richard Nixon, and Jimmy Carter, among others? George Washington and Abraham Lincoln certainly deserve their own days, as will Ronald Reagan. Let us stop this insipid march to mediocrity."

You heard it.

Okay, one more:

"Your observation about the London Daily Mirror describing its own story as 'sensational' made me smile. ('Prince Charles is the person Princess Diana claimed in a letter wanted to kill her, the Mirror sensationally reveals today.') I am a North Korea watcher, and they recently described their own offer to negotiate over their nuclear program as 'bold and magnanimous.' The press may be loopy on occasion, the tabloid press more so — but you still can't beat genuine commies for absurd, over-the-top statements that are intended to be taken seriously. Offering to negotiate over the program they swore they'd dismantle in 1994, the last time we negotiated — bold and magnanimous indeed!"

Boldly and magnanimously yours . . .

nationalreview.com