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To: DMaA who wrote (23432)1/7/2004 11:08:29 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793721
 
Dean: A Prophet Ahead of His Time?
Patrick J. Buchanan

January 7 2004

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Within four weeks, the Democratic nominee will probably be known, and this city believes it will almost surely be Howard Dean.

The Iowa caucuses on Jan. 19, the New Hampshire primary on Jan. 27, and the South Carolina primary on Feb. 3, same day as half a dozen other caucuses and primaries, will tell the tale.

The shrillness and savagery of the attacks on Dean by rival Democrats like Joe Lieberman underscore the point. They all understand that if Dean does not stumble, they all fall by Feb. 3.

Dean is today viewed as a perfect pigeon for George W. Bush. And it is hard to fault the assessment. He is angry, prone to gaffes, perceived as ultra-liberal and from a state where he never learned the rhetoric that can move Democratic minorities the way Clinton did.

Moreover, he is as divisive a figure in his party, with his denunciations of its "Republican wing" and "cockroaches" in Washington, as was Barry Goldwater in the GOP in 1964. And George W. Bush looks almost as certain of re-election as LBJ. Though, at times, LBJ, heir to the martyred JFK, ran 40 points ahead. Bush has never had such a lead.

Yet, the comparison is valid. For just as Goldwater split from his party's establishment to vote no on the great issue of 1964, the Civil Rights Act, Dean broke with his party to say "no" to Bush's war.

The greater question, however, is: Does Dean's movement portend the future?

Consider: Though Goldwater lost 44 states, the movement that nominated him captured the GOP at the Cow Palace in San Francisco, shifted the party's center of gravity south and west, helped elect Nixon twice, and put Ronald Reagan in the White House before passing into history.

McGovern's campaign also outlasted its champion. After the rout by Nixon in 1972, McGovernism, the political vehicle of the counter-culture and social revolution of the '60s, set down deep roots in the Democratic Party that have never been pulled up.

Like Goldwater, McGovern proved a candidate ahead of his time.

Conservative Democrats who stood against him in 1968 and 1972 – Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago, John Connolly of Texas, Frank Rizzo of Philadelphia, George Wallace of Alabama – have no heirs in today's party. Even "New Democrats," though they decry the nomination of Dean as "another McGovern," are all pro-choice, pro-gay rights, pro-feminist, pro-affirmative action. Where do they dissent from the agenda McGovern offered?

Indeed, McGovernism has even made inroads into the Republican Party. Though employing conservative rhetoric to win, the GOP has been sliding leftward on social, cultural and even economic issues.

Like his father, Bush is running up huge deficits and increasing the domain of federal bureaucrats. He, too, is a champion of foreign aid and intervention to build a New World Order. He, too, is a global democratist who cites Wilson and FDR. He, too, is a "big government conservative" like his dad. Since taking his oath, he has not killed one federal program, agency or department, or vetoed a single bill.

LBJ won a landslide running on the "guns-and-butter" budget that financed the Great Society and the war in Vietnam. The Bush Republicans have gone LBJ one better. They are for guns and butter – and tax cuts, too.

On the cause of a constitutional amendment to ban abortion, Bush says America is not ready. Anyone ever heard the president preach from the Bully Pulpit to change our hearts?

After the Supreme Court affirmed the right of the University of Michigan to discriminate against white kids for 25 years – as long as it is not so blatant as adding 20 points to application scores for race – Bush hailed the court's recognition of the value of "diversity."

When the battle flag became an issue in South Carolina, Bush quietly removed a plaque to Southern war dead put up by the Daughters of the Confederacy in a Texas courthouse, and his brother Jeb took down the battle flag over the Florida statehouse.

Democrats are pro-gay rights. What do Bushites say? "We are inclusive." "We are for tolerance." "We are for diversity." "We are against discrimination." But, checking Gallup, "We believe marriage should be between a man and a woman." Heroic.

Republicans have been winning elections, even for Congress. But they have done so by shucking conservative principles. Like the Americans in Vietnam, they are winning all the set-piece battles, as they are losing the war.

Dean may be routed. But my guess is that whatever he stands for today will be embraced by his party tomorrow, and the GOP the day after. Civil unions, here we come.

theamericancause.org



To: DMaA who wrote (23432)1/8/2004 4:58:32 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793721
 
This won't sell with the Confederate Flag crowd. Or with the Evangelicals.



washingtonpost.com
Dean Says Faith Swayed Decision on Gay Unions

By Jim VandeHei
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, January 8, 2004; Page A01

MUSCATINE, Iowa, Jan. 7 -- Democratic front-runner Howard Dean said Wednesday that his decision as governor to sign the bill legalizing civil unions for gays in Vermont was influenced by his Christian views, as he waded deeper into the growing political, religious and cultural debate over homosexuality and the Bible's view of it.

"The overwhelming evidence is that there is very significant, substantial genetic component to it," Dean said in an interview Wednesday. "From a religious point of view, if God had thought homosexuality is a sin, he would not have created gay people."

Dean's comments come as gay marriage is emerging as a defining social issue of the 2004 elections, and one that is dividing the Episcopal Church in the United States and many other Christians and non-Christians. Driving the debate is a theological dispute over the Bible's view on homosexuality and a political one over the secular and spiritual wisdom of allowing gays to marry.

Dean said he does not often turn to his faith when making policy decisions but cited the civil union bill as a time he did. "My view of Christianity . . . is that the hallmark of being a Christian is to reach out to people who have been left behind," he told reporters Tuesday. "So I think there was a religious aspect to my decision to support civil unions."

Earlier Tuesday, when he and the other candidates were asked at a debate whether religion has influenced any of their policy decisions, Dean was the only one not to respond.

In the interview Wednesday, Dean said, "I don't go through an inventory like that when making public policy decisions."

Dean has been expanding on his religious views in a series of conversations with reporters, but his remarks Tuesday and Wednesday were the first time he has talked about how faith has influenced his policymaking.

Dean said he does not consider homosexuality a sin but nonetheless opposes gay marriage. The civil unions bill he signed as Vermont governor in 2000 granted homosexual couples the same rights and protections as if they were married. Among the nine Democratic presidential contenders, Rep. Dennis J. Kucinich (Ohio), former senator Carol Moseley Braun (Ill.) and Al Sharpton support gay marriage.

Republicans are pushing a constitutional amendment against gay marriage, and President Bush has said he would support it if necessary. Religious groups and social conservatives in Congress are planning to push the issue aggressively before the November election, in part, to motivate Christian voters and paint Democrats as out of touch with most Americans. Polls show that a majority of Americans oppose gay marriage.

Dean, who leads in many polls, is increasingly trying to broaden his appeal by talking about faith and centrist policies such as a balanced budget and tax reform for the middle class. One week ago he said he planned to discuss his faith more openly in the South, but Tuesday he said he would take this message everywhere. "I think we have got to stop thinking about the South as some peculiar region," he said. "I am going to talk about the same things everywhere."

Some Democrats have said Dean, with roots in liberal Vermont and close identification with the nation's first civil unions law, might appear too secular to win over an increasingly religious electorate.

Dean, who is a member of the Congregationalist Church, which preaches a liberal brand of Christianity, falls on the side of Episcopal leaders in the United States who recently stirred international controversy by ordaining a gay bishop, and the millions of Americans who do not consider homosexuality a sin. This theological debate predates the questions of civil unions and gay marriage and has divided biblical scholars for a long time.

In broad terms, it pits Christians who look at the Bible less literally and argue that the Gospels never quote Jesus talking specifically about homosexuality against more conservative Christians who take a more literal approach and point to scripture in the New and Old Testaments that they believe forbids homosexuality. For instance, Leviticus 18:22, according to the King James version of the Bible, says, "Thou shalt not lie with mankind, as with womankind: it is abomination."

Polls show voters want a religious president and one who talks about faith. Some Republicans, including a few in the Bush administration, worry that the GOP could overplay its hand by appearing to divide people with hostility toward gays. But if Dean wins the Democratic presidential nomination, strategists from both parties predict it will become a major issue in the campaign.

At several campaign stops this week, Dean said that if Republicans push gay issues, he will talk "issues that unite us," such as health insurance for every American.

© 2004 The Washington Post Company