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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: Lazarus_Long who wrote (23877)	1/11/2004 1:25:29 PM
From: LindyBill	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 793681

Keeping It Simple There's no room for complexity on the campaign trail. That's why Dean is everybody's favorite piñata and Bush's unformed immigration plan is a political boon for the president By Eleanor Clift Newsweek Updated: 3:14 p.m. ET Jan. 10, 2004Jan. 9 - The litany against Howard Dean is reminiscent of the bill of particulars against Al Gore. The specifics vary, but the pattern is the same: Gore claimed he invented the Internet, he said the male character in "Love Story" was modeled after him, and he took credit for uncovering Love Canal. Sloppy reporting together with willful distortion of what Gore meant contributed to his image as a serial exaggerator who could not be trusted. The same line of attack is being mounted against Dean. On Thursday, a Fox News Channel host cited all the gaffes Dean has made. The list is long, and growing: he said we're no safer with Saddam behind bars; we shouldn't prejudge the guilt of Osama bin Laden; the Saudis tipped off the president about 9/11--a conspiracy theory Dean said he didn't believe, but he raised it on national radio. And then, the coup de grace, said anchor David Asman: Dean had cited his brother, Charles Dean, who died in Laos in 1973, in a New Hampshire survey asking candidates about their closest living relative in the military. "His brother wasn't in the military, and he isn't living. Is Dean a liar?" the anchor demanded. Dean is everybody's favorite piñata, but he's also ushered in a new era in politics, one that may be impervious to the small-bore assaults that wore Gore down. Gore was unable to correct the false narrative written for him. The fact that Dean is still standing after the onslaught of negative publicity the last few weeks shows his staying power. 'The Devi's in the Details' James M. Lindsay discusses Bush's sweeping immigration proposal—what it seems to accomplish, and where it may fall short A Republican strategist on Capitol Hill chortled over Dean's latest attempt to inject religion into his campaign discourse. "He's claiming Jesus led him to civil unions [for gay couples]," the aide said. "As a communications professional, all I can say is, 'Don't go there'." Dean told reporters in Iowa that there was "a religious aspect" to his decision to support civil unions because "the hallmark of being a Christian is to reach out to people who have been left behind." He said there is overwhelming evidence that genetics plays a substantial role in determining sexual orientation. "From a religious point of view, if God had thought homosexuality is a sin, he would not have created gay people." The laserlike focus on every word Dean utters with the purpose of picking him apart has taken its toll. Wesley Clark is climbing in the national polls and is nudging upward in New Hampshire. Dean still has a commanding lead in the state, but while he takes all the incoming, Clark skates along, impervious to scrutiny, born again as a media darling. After a disappointing debut, Clark is rekindling the romance about his candidacy with the welcome assist of reporters eager for a contest. Watching from the sidelines, a Senate aide predicts that in the unlikely event Dean's candidacy collapses and Clark becomes the nominee, "Clark would be almost obligated to put him on the ticket or risk having the Deaniacs take their mouses and go home." It's no accident that as the Democrats sparred, President George W. Bush chose this moment to propose immigration reform, an issue that cuts across party lines and puts him in touch with his compassionate conservative side. The Democrats jumped on it as too little, too late and a cynical attempt to woo Hispanic votes. The Bush plan would offer undocumented workers a three-year job permit, which could be renewed, but offers no clear path to citizenship. Dean and others point out that the plan places too much power in the hands of employers and could lead to worker exploitation as bosses become the ultimate arbiters of who is legalized. The xenophobic right noisily objected to the proposal, but Bush has locked up his conservative base and can maneuver to the middle with no real risk. Republicans in Congress are divided on immigration reform, and it's unlikely that anything will get done on this issue. No matter, politically it's a boon for Bush. He not only reaches out to Hispanic voters, the fastest-growing segment of the electorate, he helps the GOP modernize its image and appeal to suburban swing voters uncomfortable with the party's lack of diversity. Bush got 35 percent of the Hispanic vote in 2000, and to remain competitive he needs 40 percent in 2004. Swing states like Arizona and New Mexico with heavy Hispanic populations could decide a close election. When you examine the details of Bush's proposal, it's far less generous than his rhetoric suggests. By denying permanent residency or an earned route to citizenship for the temporary workers, the likely result would be a fixed corps of second-class citizens beholden to Corporate America and doing menial labor at subsistence wages. But there is no room for complexity on the campaign trail. Bush has neutralized another issue that once was the sole province of Democrats. Squabbling over details is a loser for the Democrats, and Bush has tens of millions to spend advertising his glossy version of public policy. © 2004 Newsweek, Inc.