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To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (23955)1/12/2004 2:12:47 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793640
 
So far, no mention at all of the Tel Aviv rally

I googled it, and found that the SF Chronicle gave it coverage, and some flyover papers. The WP had nothing. The "Boston Globe," the "Times" owned paper, ran this sob story.



Israeli raids take a toll on West Bank civilians
Casualties mount in hunt for militants
By Sa'id Ghazali and Dan Ephron, Globe Correspondents, 1/12/2004

NABLUS, West Bank -- Naim al-Araj doesn't bother fighting the insomnia. Instead, for three weeks now he has left his bed in the middle of each night, dressed himself, and walked to the cemetery of the Balata refugee camp to cry over his son Mohammed's grave.

Israeli troops shot the 6-year-old dead at the entrance to his home in Balata on Dec. 21, three days after troops invaded Nablus and the adjacent camps. Since then, 15 other Palestinians have been killed in the largest Israeli incursion in the West Bank in more than a year.

Israeli troops have spent much of that time moving from neighborhood to neighborhood, searching for militants in a city the army describes as a breeding ground for suicide terrorists.

But while at least one bomber has been caught and some weapons and explosives have been found, most casualties in the latest Israeli assault have been civilians. And all 180,000 residents of Nablus and its environs have been kept under curfew during the past three weeks.

"My pain is huge. . . . I lost my favorite boy," said Araj, showing guests at his home pictures taken several years ago of Mohammed playing at a Tel Aviv beach. "I used to take him [to Israel] for nice dinners at restaurants."

Araj, who lives next to the Balata cemetery, said Israeli troops had been raiding homes in the area the day his son was killed. A military official said the soldiers were attacked that day by Palestinians in Balata who threw stones and at least one bomb.

"The soldiers returned fire when someone threw an explosive device," the official said. "It's possible that in that burst of fire we hit the boy, but we're still checking the incident."

Israel says soldiers have tried to avoid harming civilians during the incursion, which saw 30 tanks rumble into Nablus, the biggest city in the West Bank. But army officials say they had no choice but to order troops into the area.

Two recent bombers from the Nablus area have pulled off suicide attacks in the Jewish state. A Palestinian woman killed 21 people at a restaurant in Haifa in October, and a man blew himself up last month at a bus stop near Tel Aviv, killing four Israelis. Another young bomber, whose brother was shot dead by Israeli troops during the current incursion, was killed yesterday when the belt of explosives he was wearing detonated prematurely.

"Nablus is the hottest and most dangerous town" in the West Bank, said a senior Israeli commander in the city, in an interview conducted by a pool reporter last week and made available to other journalists. "Most of the suicide bombers, most of the bombs, most of the ammunition is in Nablus."

The commander, whom the army spokesman's office barred reporters from naming, said Israel can get real-time intelligence on militants and the attacks they are planning only by having troops patrolling the city.

He said the army initiated the assault after getting information that three or four suicide bombers were about to head from Nablus to Israel. The army has caught at least 16 would-be bombers in recent months in the city, the commander said.

"The ones you hear about are the ones that explode. Every day there are ones that you don't hear about," he said, adding that six of the Palestinians killed in recent days were armed men.

But Abu Mujahed, a leading figure in the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade in Nablus, disputed the information. The 42-year-old militant said the Israeli army killed only one fighter since entering Nablus three weeks ago. The rest of the casualties were civilians, he said.

"We knew that they were about to attack even before the tanks entered the city," said Abu Mujahed, whose group is affiliated with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.

"All the fighters disappeared. They hid themselves in many places -- in an abandoned well, in a garbage container, behind a crumbling wall."

He said Al Aqsa had no central leadership: "Some cells are funded by Hezbollah [Islamic militants] in Lebanon. Some Palestinian Authority officials tried to fund some groups. But we mainly rely on donations."

Around the Old City section of Nablus, where much of the fighting has centered in recent days, Al Aqsa is lauded in graffiti. "The people will protect the brigades," someone has scrawled on one wall. On another, next to a visual rendering of a masked militant, someone has written: "He prayed at dawn, then pulled out his pistol and went to the battlefield." Palestinians say killings of civilians bring new recruits to the ranks of militant groups like Al Aqsa and fuel the hatred. But Araj, who visits his 6-year-old son's grave every night, said that despite the hostility between Israelis and Palestinians, some soldiers were visibly upset by Mohammed's death.

Two days after he was killed, a squad entered the Araj home to conduct a search. When Araj showed the commanding officer Mohammed's bloody clothes, the Israeli recoiled.

"He started to cry," Araj said about the officer. "He ordered his soldier to leave the house, and they left."

© Copyright 2004 Globe Newspaper Company.

© Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (23955)1/12/2004 2:58:16 AM
From: Elsewhere  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793640
 
NYT Watch

Israeli Rightists Rally Against Sharon Plan
nytimes.com
Israel Settlers Protest Evacuation Plan
nytimes.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (23955)1/12/2004 8:32:58 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793640
 
Medved is an interesting character. He is the only prominent Conservative Movie Critic on the scene. "Ring," of course, is classic Christian "Good vs Evil."

Actors' politics pollute 'Ring'

By Michael Medved
"If you want to send a message, call Western Union," said Hollywood pioneer Samuel Goldwyn to filmmakers and stars who sought to use their movie projects to advance some political agenda.
Although the telegraph is a largely irrelevant alternative in this Internet age, the thinking behind Goldwyn's advice remains sane and solid: Political preachments, on or off camera, only interfere with the entertainment value of creative work by major Hollywood stars. Recent comments by some of the prime participants in the triumphal box-office hit The Lord of the Rings: The Return of the King illustrate the uncomfortable implications of trying to impose timely messages on timeless fantasy.

Viggo Mortensen, who plays the title character in The Return of the King, has used the publicity platform provided by his role to trumpet his anti-war and anti-Bush views. Since the release of last year's Rings installment, The Two Towers, he's turned up for numerous press interviews wearing a "no more blood for oil" T-shirt and freely offered his bitter critique of U.S. foreign policy.

This fall, with the distribution of the biggest movie of his career just weeks away, he appeared at a Washington anti-war rally sponsored by International ANSWER (a coalition to "Act Now to Stop War and End Racism"), identified by its own leaders as an off-shoot of the Socialist Workers Party, a Stalinist fringe group. In the midst of speakers defending Palestinian terrorists, Cuba's Castro regime and the saber-rattling North Korean government, Mortensen read an interminable original poem about exploding bombs, burning flesh, flattened huts and American guilt. No one who witnessed this embarrassing and befuddled performance could put it entirely out of mind when watching Viggo impersonate the fearless, regal warrior Aragorn in The Return of the King.

Nevertheless, Mortensen believes that he had no choice but to distract attention from his martial role with his pacifist preening. As he told USA TODAY's Susan Wloszczyna: "It is not something I would normally go out of my way to do at all. But it was in response to what I'd been hearing in the wake of Sept. 11, 2001, and what happened the year following when The Two Towers came out. A lot of people misrepresented what we had done in the films and Tolkien's work, saying they justified the actions of the U.S. government and war in general. I didn't think that was the case."

In all of the hundreds of statements by Bush administration officials attempting to explain our battles in Afghanistan and Iraq, I don't recall any references, ever, to Middle Earth to "justify" U.S. policy. Of course, many critics and commentators noted that The Lord of the Rings story involves a climactic struggle between good and evil, and suggested that the tales achieve special contemporary resonance because many Americans see our fight against terrorists in similar terms. Surely, Mortensen agrees with the proposition that Tolkien's novels, and director Peter Jackson's cinematic adaptations, involve a defining war between light and darkness, decency and corruption. If he questions the relevance of those absolutes to the present war on terror (as many people do), then that opinion involves his take on current events rather than any disagreement about the movie's real meaning. Challenging the wisdom of injecting his controversial opinions into the movie's promotional campaign in no way denies Mortensen his First Amendment rights to free expression; it merely questions the judgment behind his ill-timed political posturing.

In fact, Mortensen's protests set up a potential ideological conflict with one of his Rings co-stars: veteran actor John Rhys-Davies, who plays Gimli the Dwarf and voices the character Treebeard the Ent. In recent comments to the media, Rhys-Davies delivered his own interpretation of the epic cycle: "I think that Tolkien says that some generations will be challenged, and if they do not rise to meet that challenge, they will lose their civilization. That does have a real resonance with me." Leveling a stinging accusation at leading reporters, he declared: "What is unconscionable is that too many of your fellow journalists do not understand how precarious Western civilization is, and what a jewel it is." He went on to warn about the potentially devastating impact of the rise of aggressive, uncompromising Islamism among the growing Muslim population of Western Europe.

It would be difficult for even Rhys-Davies' allies to suggest that those comments bore any special relevance to the movie he is promoting. In fact, the attempts by actors and cultural observers to score topical points with references to The Lord of the Rings clearly contravene the intentions of the movie's creators, and of novelist J.R.R. Tolkien himself.

In his forward to the work, the author insisted that the world of Middle Earth exists as an independent universe, with no connection to current events. "As for any inner meaning or 'message,' it has in the intention of the author none," Tolkien wrote. "It is neither allegorical nor topical."

Tolkien understood that the finest works of art appeal with equal power to people of all political persuasions, without sacrificing their permanent meaning through association with transient debates. When outstanding actors feel compelled to place their work in a polarizing political context, they only diminish its value and its ability to connect with a diverse audience. If nothing else, controversial off-screen pronouncements color our on-screen perceptions of Aragorn or Gimli, and threaten the perceived — and heroic — unity of the Fellowship of the Ring.

The Ring represents the temptation of power — a temptation that must be resisted and destroyed. The participants who helped to create this most spectacular trilogy in cinema history should resist a similar lure, and leave The Lord of the Rings unpolluted by politics.

Film critic Michael Medved hosts a nationally syndicated radio show on the intersection of politics and pop culture. He is a member of USA TODAY's board of contributors.


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