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To: RinConRon who wrote (24139)1/13/2004 1:50:04 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793677
 
I seldom vent like this.

I feel like you do about it. I think the Perle/Frum approach of forcing the Saudis to cut off money to these Maddrasses is the best approach. We can bring up an Independent Shiite movement in East SA if they don't.

The whole Pearle/Frum outline to FA is just outstanding, IMO.



To: RinConRon who wrote (24139)1/13/2004 3:22:42 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793677
 
Dear oh dear. I feel so sorry for the poor ex-torturers. What will they do? I bet the ex-Baathist interpreter cried right along with him.



In Sunni Triangle, Loss of Privilege Breeds Bitterness
Veterans of Security Apparatus Are Now Pariahs

By Daniel Williams
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, January 13, 2004; Page A01

THULUIYA, Iraq -- Less than a year ago, Ismael Mohammed Juwara lived high in the food chain of President Saddam Hussein's Iraq. He was a secret policeman feared and respected among his comrades and in his hometown, enjoying a cornucopia of privileges from the government.

Now, as he scrapes out a living by selling diesel fuel illegally, he is a pariah in the new Iraq. "We were on top of the system. We had dreams," said Juwara, a former member of the Mukhabarat, the intelligence service that reported directly to the now-deposed president. "Now we are the losers. We lost our positions, our status, the security of our families, stability. Curse the Americans. Curse them."

His is the kind of angry lament that can be heard all over central Iraq, the region most devoted to Hussein. It is the area of tribes and clans that were closest to him and that could expect power and privileges from his government. As Arabs following the Sunni strain of Islam, the people here enjoyed an added advantage, because Hussein had extended their long dominance here, although they represent only about 20 percent of the population.

Hundreds of thousands of men from this area, now known as the Sunni Triangle, joined Hussein's extensive security apparatus, including the army and multiple police and intelligence agencies. As such, they are mostly outcasts from the new governing system under construction by U.S.-led occupation authorities and their selected Iraqi political allies.

Juwara has two strikes against him: He was part of a feared repressive agency and a high-ranking Baath Party member. Such Baathists are prohibited from government posts, as well as new security organizations now being formed.

Juwara, 46, was sitting in the police station in this town along the Tigris River one recent morning as new officers sat idle. Relations between the police and U.S. occupation forces are strained. U.S. officials stopped using them for guard duty because they were considered unreliable, and soldiers no longer patrol with them. "They think we should know everything that goes on here, but we don't," said Hafath Salah Hussein, the liaison officer with the Americans.

In clannish Thuluiya, working for the Baath Party government was often a family affair. Hafath Hussein is a cousin of Juwara. With them was Hussein Saleh Hussein, Hafath's brother, who said he once belonged to the Interior Ministry's general security section, another secret police branch.

Hafath Hussein and Juwara escorted a reporter to an improvised diesel fuel station in a muddy field nearby. The men earn what they can by purchasing fuel and reselling it to truckers and farmers who don't want to wait in long lines at gas station.

Along the way, Juwara talked about his life. He said he joined the Baath Party in high school, enlisted in the army and then the secret police. His job was to watch over army personnel and opponents of the government in such conflicted locales as Basra, the large, predominantly Shiite Muslim city in the south, and Sulaymaniyah in the Kurdish north.

When he married, the government supplied him and his wife with a bedroom set. Soon after, he received a free plot of land and a home-construction loan, which was converted into a grant when the second of his nine children was born. He bought cement at cost from a government warehouse.

Health care, Juwara said, was supplied through Rashid military hospital, a special facility in Baghdad reserved for security and military officers. Last winter, on the eve of the U.S.-led invasion, Juwara said, he received permission to travel abroad to get treatment for his son, 13, who suffers from a nerve condition that slurs his speech.

When Juwara bought a refrigerator, he went to a market set aside for secret police families and got it at a discount. He drove a Peugeot supplied by his unit. During the past decade of economic sanctions, he received extra rations. Now, he said, "we cook beans left over from before the war."

He said that before the war, he sold his house to finance construction of a larger one, then moved into a small rental home. After the war, he used up the construction money to support his wife and children. His new house is only half built. He is barely making ends meet, he said, explaining, "There are no jobs, certainly not with the Americans."

People such as Juwara form the core of resistance to the occupation and the developing order, according to U.S. and Iraqi officials. Frequently referred to as Baathist remnants or dead-enders, they are resentful and unwilling to accept their lot quietly. For that, they make no apologies.

"Was being a Baathist some sort of disease?" Juwara said, raising his voice suddenly. "Was serving the country some sort of crime?" In effect, Sunnis such as Juwara are experiencing the changes since the U.S. invasion as a revolution in which the long-suppressed Shiite majority is taking charge.

"These people with turbans are going to run the country. What do they know? Iraq needs people like us," Juwara bellowed. People had been crowding around to buy diesel fuel, but sales momentarily halted.

Sunnis who served the deposed government often demonstrate their frustrations. In the Shiite south, they have rioted for jobs. In the Sunni center, they have rioted for pay. Conversations with Juwara and some of his colleagues from the secret police indicate that they are not loyal so much to Hussein as to a subsidized, predictable way of life.

Many people in Thuluiya, with a population of 150,000, benefited from life during the Hussein government. Big villas line the river and the land where houses sit was supplied free by the government.

"Just about every family had someone working in security or the army or some government job," said Maj. Hussein Mahdi Obeidy, a member of the U.S.-appointed police force. "It was normal to join the Baath Party. It was like a rule." Although Obeidy is a former Baathist, he was sufficiently low-ranking to qualify for the new force.

Thuluiya escaped the war; U.S. troops rushed by to other destinations. They returned in June, having discovered that guerrillas had been hiding in the area. In the months since, U.S. forces have detained hundreds of suspects in and around Thuluiya. Yet townspeople say that rebels come and go freely, hiding in homes or among lush date groves.

Besides his economic woes, Juwara expressed deep feelings of humiliation. He told of a trip to the Central Bank in Baghdad on a quest for records of his account in Thuluiya. He said the bank records were looted after the war.

"You know what they told me? 'You are from Thuluiya. You are a dog. Go and ask Saddam for the money,' " he recalled. "A few months ago, they would never have treated me like that. They wouldn't dare."

He pointed out the house of a former colleague. It was empty. "Abu Falah has disappeared. The Americans are after him," Juwara said. "They think he is with the resistance. Maybe. He needs the money."

At the field of diesel barrels, Juwara helped Hussein Saleh Hussein as customers complained that the price was too high. Hussein has his own troubles. He also sold his house. He was living with his brother, but the atmosphere grew tense because Hussein could not pay rent, so he moved to a cheap place. He sold the Mitsubishi that the Interior Ministry had supplied him. He has two wives and 10 children. "People say that the resistance pays to kill Americans. Pretty soon, that will seem like a good idea," he said.

It is illegal to resell fuel in Iraq, a fact Hafath Hussein suddenly remembered. As a policeman, he is supposed to stop it. "I tell them not to do it.

"But," he said as he pulled the reporter to one side, "we all know each other here. We will have to live together when the Americans leave. What can I do?"

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: RinConRon who wrote (24139)1/13/2004 3:31:29 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793677
 
Dean, Party of One
Even After Hours, The Front-Runner's Staff Prefers to Hang Alone

By Hanna Rosin
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, January 12, 2004; Page C01

One in a series of reports on the New Hampshire primary campaign.

MANCHESTER, N.H.

It's New Year's Eve and the tap is open. The Edwards people, with Budweisers in hand, crowd the section of bar closest to the pool tables. Nearby, some Lieberman interns sway/dance, free Bacardi Bat necklaces swinging on their necks. Someone from Gephardt's campaign is lighting a Camel Light, and the Clark guys are scattered near the TV screens.

In the smoky haze of Raxx Billiards, representatives from all but one of the major Democratic presidential campaigns can be found.

"They were invited," says Sen. Joe Lieberman's New Hampshire director, Peter Greenberger, who helped put the party together. As usual, though, the Dean people didn't come.

The unofficial rules for the young staff who work the New Hampshire primary have always been thus: By day they are rivals, press secretaries out-spinning each other, field directors fighting for every vote, interns standing at busy traffic corners holding their campaign posters, shouting each other down. But half an hour from midnight, they are fellow partiers, bumming cigarettes, buying each other beers, bound by the weird facts of their daily existence: long, long days, addiction to campaign adrenaline, month-to-month leases.

This year, however, the rest of the staffs complain that Howard Dean's people don't play by those rules. Stop by the Strange Brew or the Wild Rover in downtown Manchester late on a Friday or Saturday night and you're likely to find any combination of Democratic staffers drinking, letting off steam, talking about anything other than work. But to the great annoyance of everyone else, the Dean people are almost never there.

"Off the record, none of the Dean people are coming," staffers from three campaigns make sure to point out in the hours before the New Year's Eve party. This is not technically true. Two Dean staffers, including Delana Jones, the candidate's regional field director, who rooms with someone from Sen. John Edwards's staff, did show up early. But still the perception, expressed at one Friday night drinking fest after another, remains: "I have friends from all the other campaigns, but I don't know anyone from Dean's," says a press secretary for a rival campaign. "The Dean people don't party with us."

In campaigns past the comity thrived for a practical reason. Everyone knows that only one candidate will get the nomination, and whoever he is, staffers for the other candidates might want to work for him. So hanging out together serves as a casual form of networking, a tacit understanding that rivalries fade and ultimately staffers for rival campaigns have more in common than not.

But this year seems different. "I've done a cursory survey of my staff," says one campaign official. "None of them would go work for Dean. They hate the guy. His arrogance. The things he says. The way he insults us, like he's the only one who's a real Democrat."

Of course, some of this is swagger. Even this staffer admits, "I can't imagine it now, but who knows, a year from now."

Some is spinoff from the intense emotions around a campaign. "These are young kids in the midst of their first love affair," says Dayton Duncan, a longtime Democratic activist who wrote a book on the New Hampshire primary. "They can't conceive they would ever fall in love again." Also, adds Duncan, in years such as this one, when the field is crowded, "you usually get a coalition of the underdogs."

At the same time, "what's going on with the Dean campaign is different than the other years," Duncan says. Because Dean was such a long shot a year ago, he couldn't get any of the professional local operatives to work for him, so he had to assemble a staff from amateurs and newcomers. Add to that what happened this summer, when he started to "catch on and assumed a cultlike status among young people who were into politics for the first time," Duncan says, and you get a full-blown culture clash.

The result is "folks who don't see themselves in the normal way, who are less likely to say, 'What you do in a campaign is hang out and go to bars with the other campaign staffs,' " says Duncan, who has endorsed Dean. "A lot of them don't aspire to be political operatives. They see themselves as different; they keep to themselves. In turn, the aspiring professionals see them as different. And in that difference is the rub."

In the August softball tournament finals between the staffs of Dean and John Kerry, Dean called in nearly every 10 minutes for results. The stakes went far beyond the diamond: "We had them down 13-2 and they came back to win," Dean wrote his staff after they lost. "They will be just as determined on Jan. 27. This time however the result will be different."

The other campaigns talk about the Dean people with the same mix of condescension and envy that one might use toward an overeager colleague who just doesn't understand when to turn it off.

"I'm sure they think they're starting a revolution," says one press secretary for a rival campaign. "Just like when I was in college, and I used to listen to Rage Against the Machine a lot, and I thought I was starting a revolution, too."

If the Dean faction exists at the get-togethers, it's in the negative, the gaping hole you can't ignore. If they're not here, where are they? Are they still working? This late? What does their office look like? Do they really sleep in their cars? How many of them are there, anyway?

One Friday night at the Strange Brew, Dean pops up on the news and staffers from two rival campaigns begin booing. Soon the mocking gets transparently bitter: "Woo-hoo. I bet it's Mardi Gras all the time over there. Party on, pass the organic peanut butter."

In guessing what the Dean people might be doing New Year's Eve, Mark Kornblau, press secretary for Kerry, sticks to the techno-geek stereotype. "Blogging," he jokes, mock-tapping his fingers on an air keyboard.

In fact, the Dean campaign's New Year's Eve plans do involve blogging in a small way. The Dean campaign sent its invitation in the form of a rap, weaving in many campaign themes with lots of blogged responses at the bottom.

Wednesday we will get on track

And take this goddamn country back

27 days to phone the masses

Just 1 night left to shake our asses

It's the last night we will rock the nation

Until H Dean's inauguration.

The Dean party is held at a rowhouse shared by six staffers and on any given night up to 20 others, who crash on one side of a mattress or on one of the mismatched sofa cushions, courtesy of the Salvation Army. The party is "semi half formal," the invitation says, which means "fancy shoes with a baseball hat" or "boxers and tie," which would make it difficult to skip out and go to another party.

The house is known in the office as the "frat," but more accurately it's like a frat the morning after rush. Every horizontal surface doubles as a place to store beer, unopened or not. Most of the bedrooms have a damp, funky smell. One of the inhabitants is known as "anal" merely because he hangs some of his clothes on a makeshift plastic contraption.

Objects exist in dada arrangements mostly on the floor. There's a copy of "What It Takes," Richard Ben Cramer's book on the 1988 campaign, with a Cheez Doodle as a bookmark; a Dean pamphlet titled "Take the Country Back" on a stained ironing board; below it a tipped-over glass that's spilled some kind of reddish liquid, left there for history. The refrigerator magnets spell D-E-A-N-I-E.

Around 10:30 p.m., Rachel Sobelson emerges from one of the rooms like Venus from her slimy shell, fixing the straps of her dress, her sandy curls not yet tied up, impervious to the funk around her. At work in the decaying warehouse that serves as the campaign headquarters, she's the office manager who can fix any problem. "She does everything," says Karen Hicks, the state director, "and she's 19."

Sobelson doesn't live here but "I stay here a lot," she says. This is her first dorm and the campaign is her campus. When asked if she might need a night away from her colleagues, the question does not even compute with her.

"This is the best party I could ever imagine. Rarely do you get so many people you like and get along with."

"It's fate," she adds, "like so much of the campaign. It's fate that I saw Howard Dean speak. It's fate that I was in New Hampshire. It's fate that I got to the campaign so early and ended up with so much responsibility."

Sobelson is talking over the noise in the Frattic, the packed attic space where the party has drifted, where on most nights two people sleep on Aerobeds that can be easily deflated and moved aside. The side table is a mess of empty beer bottles and chips that no one bothered to drop into a bowl. All around is Dean paraphernalia rejiggered, yard signs turned into party hats, Dean shirts slashed and beaded.

Suddenly Sobelson is interrupted by a wave of slow clapping that builds in intensity, the same kind of inspiration clap the Dean staff does at the office. What will happen at midnight?

"Many Dean claps, some serious Dean clapping," says Sobelson, "chanting, singing, clapping, you never know. "

At Raxx, midnight approaches. The bar is next door to the Lieberman headquarters on Elm Street, the main Manchester drag where nearly all the campaigns are housed. In the dark, Elm Street could be anywhere. You can't see the pawnshops and consignment stores and sink and toilet bowl displays that serve as the staffers' daily backdrops.

The jukebox plays '80s heavy-metal music such as AC/DC and Metallica, music that serves to highlight that these 20- and 30-year-olds belong more to each other than they do to this pool hall in working-class Manchester. Some are from New Hampshire and know each other from former governor Jean Shaheen's failed Senate campaign two years ago; some know each other from the Hill in Washington; still others worked at public relations firms in New York.

They have to be somewhat cautious around each other and usually avoid talking about work, except in the most general terms. But that's part of what makes such gatherings a psychic relief.

"We're tired, we've been burning the candle at both ends," says Kristin Carvell, press secretary for Lieberman. "I love the people I work with but we're together all day. I get coffee with them and lunch with them and eat dinner with them. At the end of the day it's nice to see someone else."

Kathy Roeder, press secretary for Rep. Dick Gephardt, agrees: "It would be a mistake to be here for six months and not make new friends." For them the campaign is just as intense as for the Deanies.

"You forget your whole life," says Roeder, in her case meaning her mom's birthday, dad's retirement, Thanksgiving, Christmas. "We campaign people have a special bond," she says.

Work seeps into this party, too. When a news report shows a Lieberman supporter on the hanging TV screens, and later a Clark ad, the respective parties cheer. But they are all mocked mercilessly for not leaving it at the office. Then all heads turn to the TV when the ball drops in Times Square. Everyone raises a glass and the hugs and kisses are indiscriminate.

After midnight, staffers from three campaigns sit around a table chewing over the usual subject. This time, it's outrage at Dean's statement that many of his supporters might not vote for a Democrat if he doesn't win the nomination.

Bars here close at 1 tonight, so they don't have much time. Also this might be the last night like this. The New Hampshire campaign is heading into its final stretch; everyone will be crazy busy and pretty soon the underdogs might have to go after each other harder, straining the easy rapport.

In the corner, some Clark interns are singing David Allen Coe's "You Never Even Call Me by My Name," playing on the jukebox.

Well, I was drunk the day my Mom got outta prison.

And I went to pick her up in the rain.

But before I could get to the station in my pickup truck

She got runned over by a damned old train.

Just after 1 the last holdouts walk out the door, heading to their bare temporary apartments. Some guys standing around Elm Street attempt to sell them something out of a paper bag, but it looks empty.

© 2004 The Washington Post Company