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To: John Carragher who wrote (24210)1/13/2004 8:00:50 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793652
 
A very good example of why we don't want to join the IJC

Group Accuses U.S. of War Crimes in Iraq
Tue Jan 13, 2:44 PM ET

By JIM KRANE, Associated Press Writer

BAGHDAD, Iraq - A top human rights group Tuesday accused the U.S. military of committing war crimes by demolishing homes of suspected insurgents and arresting the relatives of Iraqi fugitives.


The military denied the charges by Human Rights Watch, saying it only destroyed homes that were being used to store weapons or as fighting positions, adding that all Iraqis detained were suspected of taking part in attacks on coalition forces.

"Assertions that the coalition is intentionally attacking homes as a matter of collective punishment are false," said Col. William Darley, a military spokesman. "People are not arrested because they are related to other suspects — people are detained because they themselves are suspects."

The New York-based human rights group said American soldiers demolished at least four Iraqi homes for no apparent military reason other than to punish the families of anti-U.S. guerrilla suspects.

"Troops are entitled to suppress armed attacks, but they can only destroy a civilian structure when it is being used in an attack," Kenneth Roth, the group's executive director, said in a statement. "These demolitions did not meet the test of military necessity."

The group also accused the U.S. military of kidnapping in two cases in which American soldiers arrested civilians who happened to be related to guerrilla suspects.

In one case, the Army detained the wife and daughter of Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, a former top lieutenant of Saddam Hussein (news - web sites) and now the most wanted man in Iraq (news - web sites). The two women remain in U.S. custody more than six weeks after they were arrested without charge.

Darley refused to discuss al-Douri's wife and daughter, saying there were "special circumstances" surrounding their case.

"Detaining persons for the purpose of compelling actions from the opposing side amounts to hostage-taking, which is a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions — in other words, a war crime," Human Rights Watch said.

Demolishing homes and destroying civilian property as a reprisal or deterrent amounts to collective punishment, which is also prohibited by the Geneva Conventions.

"International law allows occupying forces to detain individuals who have attacked them or who pose security threats," Roth said. "U.S. forces should immediately release anyone being held solely because they are related to a wanted person."

In a letter to Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, the group called for a halt to such tactics and asked him to ensure U.S. forces abide by the 1949 Geneva Conventions, holding soldiers accountable for ordering, condoning or carrying out serious violations of the laws of war.

Human Rights Watch also condemned as war crimes bombings, assassinations and other attacks by Iraqi rebels that target civilians.

Military analysts have said many of the U.S. military counterinsurgency tactics resemble those used by Israeli troops on the Arab territories they occupy. Human Rights Watch and other groups have also accused Israel of war crimes.

Recent U.S. methods in Iraq increasingly mimic those Israel uses in the West Bank and Gaza — house demolitions, setting up impromptu checkpoints, keeping militants on the defensive with frequent arrest raids and, in at least one case, encircling a village and distributing travel permits.

___



To: John Carragher who wrote (24210)1/14/2004 12:12:21 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793652
 
Inviting All Democrats
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — I'd like to invite Richard Gephardt and the other Democratic candidates to come here to Cambodia and discuss trade policy with scavengers like Nhep Chanda, who spends her days rooting through filth in the city dump.

One of the most unfortunate trends in the Democratic presidential race has been the way nearly all of the candidates, including Howard Dean, the front-runner, have been flirting with anti-trade positions by putting the emphasis on labor, environmental and human rights standards in international agreements.

While Mr. Gephardt calls for an international minimum wage, Mr. Dean was quoted in USA Today in October as saying, "I believe that trade also requires human rights and labor standards and environmental standards that are concurrent around the world."

Perhaps the candidates are simply pandering to unions, or bashing President Bush. But my guess is that they sincerely believe that such trade policies would help poor people abroad — and that's why they should all traipse through a Cambodian garbage dump to see how economically naïve these schemes would be.

Nhep Chanda is a 17-year-old girl who is one of hundreds of Cambodians who toil all day, every day, picking through the dump for plastic bags, metal cans and bits of food. The stench clogs the nostrils, and parts of the dump are burning, producing acrid smoke that blinds the eyes.

The scavengers are chased by swarms of flies and biting insects, their hands are caked with filth, and those who are barefoot cut their feet on glass. Some are small children.

Nhep Chanda averages 75 cents a day for her efforts. For her, the idea of being exploited in a garment factory — working only six days a week, inside instead of in the broiling sun, for up to $2 a day — is a dream.

"I'd like to work in a factory, but I don't have any ID card, and you need one to show that you're old enough," she said wistfully. (Since the candidates are unlikely to find the time to travel to the third world anytime soon, I put an audio slide show of the Cambodian realities on the Web for them at www.nytimes.com/kristof.)

All the complaints about third world sweatshops are true and then some: factories sometimes dump effluent into rivers or otherwise ravage the environment. But they have raised the standard of living in Singapore, South Korea and southern China, and they offer a leg up for people in countries like Cambodia.

"I want to work in a factory, but I'm in poor health and always feel dizzy," said Lay Eng, a 23-year-old woman. And no wonder: she has been picking through the filth, seven days a week, for six years. She has never been to a doctor.

Here in Cambodia factory jobs are in such demand that workers usually have to bribe a factory insider with a month's salary just to get hired.

Along the Bassac River, construction workers told me they wanted factory jobs because the work would be so much safer than clambering up scaffolding without safety harnesses. Some also said sweatshop jobs would be preferable because they would mean a lot less sweat. (Westerners call them "sweatshops," but they offer one of the few third world jobs that doesn't involve constant sweat.)

In Asia, moreover, the factories tend to hire mostly girls and young women with few other job opportunities. The result has been to begin to give girls and women some status and power, some hint of social equality, some alternative to the sex industry.

Cambodia has a fair trade system and promotes itself as an enlightened garment producer. That's great. But if the U.S. tries to ban products from countries that don't meet international standards, jobs will be shifted from the most wretched areas to better-off nations like Malaysia or Mexico. Already there are very few factories in Africa or the poor countries of Asia, and if we raise the bar higher, there will be even fewer.

The Democratic Party has been pro-trade since Franklin Roosevelt, and President Bill Clinton in particular tugged the party to embrace the realities of trade. Now the party may be retreating toward protectionism under the guise of labor standards.

That would hurt American consumers. But it would be particularly devastating for laborers in the poorest parts of the world. For the fundamental problem in the poor countries of Africa and Asia is not that sweatshops exploit too many workers; it's that they don't exploit enough.

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company



To: John Carragher who wrote (24210)1/14/2004 12:46:52 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793652
 
The Specter of Outsourcing

By Robert J. Samuelson
washingtonpost.com
Wednesday, January 14, 2004; Page A19

We Americans are drifting into a global labor market -- and don't like it. The latest fear is that hordes of white-collar jobs, from low-paid filing clerks to well-paid software engineers, will vanish into a giant global sinkhole of well-educated and underpaid workers, mainly from India and China. Although we knew that manufacturing jobs could be lost abroad, we imagined that service jobs -- most U.S. jobs -- were safe from international competition. The fact that they aren't could profoundly alter U.S. attitudes toward globalization, even though the danger is exaggerated and misunderstood.

Let's disentangle fact from fiction. It's true that many companies, facing relentless competition, will seize almost any approach to cut costs, including "outsourcing." The logic that applies to manufacturing is now spreading to many services as a result of trends that Americans have generally favored: (a) the ability to "digitize" information instead of using paper; (b) cheap international communications; (c) rising educational levels abroad (India now has about 9 million college students, compared with 13 million in the United States); and (d) more big countries -- China, India, Russia -- joining the world economy.

Jobs that involve collecting or analyzing information seem vulnerable, because wages abroad are so low. Compare the United States and India. For software engineers, it's $60 an hour vs. $6; for call-center workers, $10 an hour vs. $1.50; for insurance claim workers, $1,500 a month vs. $300; for accountants, $75,000 a year against $15,000. (These figures come from the Information Technology Association of America, or ITAA.) The easiest jobs to send abroad involve routine "back office" recordkeeping that's fairly labor-intensive: insurance claims, personnel and billing records.

"A lot of [insurance] claims processing is done in India," says Shailen Gupta of Renodis, a U.S. outsourcing firm. In the United States, claim forms are scanned and then zapped to India, where keypunchers read them off a screen and enter the information into databases. Easy communications means that more highly skilled jobs can also move abroad. Gupta cites a U.S. software company that plans to shift 80 percent of its workforce -- about 200 jobs -- to India. Computer programs would still be designed in the United States, but Indian workers would write the detailed software instructions and do the testing.

From India, it's possible to do market research, maintain financial databases and write patent applications. Evalueserve, a three-year-old company with 270 Indian workers, does all three. Robert Daigle, Evalueserve's U.S. vice president for marketing, describes its Indian workers as "eager and bright. Most have an MBA. We recruit from the India Institutes of Management and the India Institutes of Technology -- think of these as the Whartons, Harvards and MITs of India."

Sounds grim -- and if it's your job, it could be. But it probably won't be your job.

Like most new trends, this one inspires hype. No one knows how many service jobs have been "outsourced" abroad, but guesses cluster around 300,000 to 500,000. Harris Miller of the ITAA estimates that 2 percent of the 10 million computer-related jobs have been sent abroad. According to ITAA's surveys, 12 percent of information technology ("IT'') companies have "outsourced" work, as have 3 percent of non-IT firms. Of course, there will be more. John McCarthy of Forrester Research projects a loss of 3.3 million jobs by 2015, including 1.7 million back-office jobs and 473,000 IT jobs. But that's still a tiny fraction of today's 138 million U.S. jobs -- nevermind future growth.

The truth is that, for most Americans, the main sources of job destruction and insecurity remain domestic: Wal-Mart battering competitors; the dot-com and telecom collapses; the business cycle. More important, job losses have been offset by job gains. Manufacturing employment peaked in mid-1979 at 19.5 million; now it's 14.5 million. But over that period, total U.S. employment grew about 40 million, and manufacturing output rose more than 80 percent. American companies became more productive and shifted to more valuable products. Cheap foreign labor has threatened individual U.S. workers but not the economy as a whole.

The reason is that imports also create gains. Despite job losses, consumers or companies gain. Lower prices boost purchasing power or profits. That creates more demand at home. Consumers can spend more; businesses can invest more. As long as the economy responds by expanding production -- and offering new things to buy -- then most job losses, even if traumatic for individuals, are temporary. Similarly, what other countries earn abroad through exports they can also spend abroad. Their imports may not initially come from the United States, but if our products remain competitive, we'll get an adequate share of global trade.

In theory, service imports (the result of outsourcing abroad) shouldn't be different. Although more workers may face the unsettling global competition, job gains ought to dwarf job losses. What's unknown is whether this theory -- which has worked for 60 years -- will continue to work.

Is America's economic vitality still suffering from the technology and stock "bubbles''? If companies won't expand -- if they're glum about the future -- then lackluster job growth will choke the recovery. And what about the trading system? In Asia, some countries hoard export earnings. They accumulate huge reserves of "hard" currencies (mainly dollars) rather than spend for imports. If too many countries do this, the trading system promotes stagnation and merely shifts jobs from one country to another. In a weak job market, outsourcing -- a small threat by itself -- could become a large lightning rod for anti-globalization discontent.

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: John Carragher who wrote (24210)1/14/2004 4:19:06 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793652
 
Bush Budget May Be Squeezed in Middle
What may be too porky for conservatives could be a paucity for those seeking reelection.
By Janet Hook
Times Staff Writer

January 14, 2004

WASHINGTON — President Bush, preparing his election-year budget, is under intense pressure from conservatives to slow the vast expansion of government spending since taking office three years ago.

But to achieve even his own goal of cutting the deficit in half over five years, Bush will propose limits on popular programs like highway construction and energy subsidies — programs that congressional Republicans may be loath to curb just as they are running for reelection.

Call it an orphan budget: Bush's blueprint may be too fat for fiscal conservatives and too lean for lawmakers seeking to keep their jobs.

The White House is "nervous about the budget arriving on the Hill with a thump," said G. William Hoagland, budget advisor to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.). "It's not something that will excite the troops."

Still, it may serve an important political role as the blueprint for Bush's own reelection platform. It will call for increased spending on defense, bolstering his stature as an aggressive wartime leader. It will propose education spending increases for the poor and disabled, reinforcing his claim to be a compassionate conservative. It will include his space exploration initiative, a John F. Kennedy-esque gesture to the future — and an election-year boost to a space program that thrives in politically crucial Florida and Texas.

This budget for 2005, which Bush plans to send to Congress on Feb. 2, will find a political and economic climate far different from a year ago. Last January's stubbornly sluggish economy has now picked up steam. The edgy anticipation of war with Iraq has been replaced by the more prosaic, divisive job of occupying the defeated nation. Bush's stature, once enhanced by bipartisan support for his foreign policy, is peppered daily with attacks from nine Democratic presidential candidates.

Those changes will be reflected in the fact that Bush is not expected to include a big new tax cut to stimulate the economy, as he did last year. He is not expected to request more money for rebuilding Iraq — the $19 billion provided for this year should last at least through 2005. And with his domestic policies under fire on the campaign trail, Bush is spotlighting proposed increases in popular programs — while saying little about areas that will be squeezed.

Another big change since last year is that simmering discontent with Bush's budget policy among conservatives has come to a rolling boil. They have complained loudly about the growth of spending during Bush's presidency — almost 24% in three years — much of it for defense and homeland security.

The two straws that broke the conservative back came late last year, when Congress passed a 10-year, $400-billion expansion of Medicare and drafted a year-end spending bill that was packed with billions for special-interest projects.

Both Bush and Joshua Bolton, his budget director, have said the administration's aim will be to halve the deficit, which is expected to near $500 billion in 2004, over the next five years. Much of that will come as a result of economic growth, officials have said, but Bush also plans to keep a lid on spending by capping annual appropriations growth at 3% or 4%, sources close to the administration say.

"That doesn't sound very radical," said Chris Edwards, a budget analyst at the libertarian Cato Institute, demanding tighter budget restraint. "I guess they've decided they can win the election without us."

Administration officials held meetings last month to try to persuade conservative critics that Bush's budget was not spendthrift. Bolton published a column defending Bush's budget record in the editorial pages of the Wall Street Journal.

Bush's biggest test may come not in his budget request but in how much he stands up to Congress to enforce his spending limits. He has yet to veto any legislation since becoming president, and some Republicans have suggested that he veto a bill this year to reestablish his bona fides as a fiscal conservative.

Bush and Congress are headed toward an early confrontation. One of the first bills to come before Congress this year will be a major highway bill — an election-year bonanza for lawmakers up for reelection. GOP sources say Bush will propose $250 billion over six years for the highway bill — a far cry from the $311 billion approved by a Senate committee and the $375 billion pending in the House. He also will reject congressional proposals to increase federal gasoline taxes to pay for new roads, bridges and tunnels.

Bush is expected to propose keeping funding flat for the Energy Department, with increases offset by cuts in such programs as energy research. But Congress is likely to be more generous — if the largess in last year's energy bill is any indication.

The National Institutes of Health, a biomedical research agency that saw its budget double in recent years, is expected to receive a modest increase of 2.5% or 3% under the president's proposal. Anthony Mazzaschi, an official at the Assn. of American Medical Colleges, called the proposal "very disappointing."

One measure of how hard it will be to cut popular programs in an election year is how quickly the administration backed down from a proposal to curb veterans' benefits. After word leaked that the administration was considering an increase in military retirees' share of prescription drug costs, veterans' groups flooded the White House and Pentagon with protests. The plan has been dropped from this year's budget.

Meanwhile, Bush has been tipping his hand on programs he wants to increase. He has pledged a $1-billion increase in funding for education of both poor children and the disabled.

He also has called for manned missions to the moon and Mars. Some budget analysts say the idea, which the administration might achieve with a 5% annual increase in NASA's $15-billion budget, is a fanciful luxury when the budget is swimming in red ink and domestic programs are being squeezed.

"The only thing boldly going where no one has gone before will be the U.S. deficit," said Stan Collender, a budget expert with Fleishman-Hilliard, a public relations firm.

Another area slated for growth is the Pentagon, where the budget is expected to top last year's $380-billion request by as much as $20 billion.

Military officials say the budget will increase spending on elite special operations forces, unmanned spy planes and robotic technologies to fight the war on terrorism. It will emphasize getting new protective gear for soldiers and for aircraft and keep funds flowing into two new multibillion-dollar jet fighters.

Bush will include more tax-cut proposals — mostly by reviving proposals that were introduced but not passed last year. A top priority is to make permanent the tax cuts passed in 2001.

latimes.com