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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: goldworldnet who wrote (523652)1/14/2004 12:03:07 AM
From: PartyTime  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Study Published by Army Criticizes War on Terror's Scope

By Thomas E. Ricks
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, January 12, 2004; Page A12

A scathing new report published by the Army War College broadly criticizes the Bush administration's handling of the war on terrorism, accusing it of taking a detour into an "unnecessary" war in Iraq and pursuing an "unrealistic" quest against terrorism that may lead to U.S. wars with states that pose no serious threat.

The report, by Jeffrey Record, a visiting professor at the Air War College at Maxwell Air Force Base in Alabama, warns that as a result of those mistakes, the Army is "near the breaking point."

It recommends, among other things, scaling back the scope of the "global war on terrorism" and instead focusing on the narrower threat posed by the al Qaeda terrorist network.

"[T]he global war on terrorism as currently defined and waged is dangerously indiscriminate and ambitious, and accordingly . . . its parameters should be readjusted," Record writes. Currently, he adds, the anti-terrorism campaign "is strategically unfocused, promises more than it can deliver, and threatens to dissipate U.S. military resources in an endless and hopeless search for absolute security."

Record, a veteran defense specialist and author of six books on military strategy and related issues, was an aide to then-Sen. Sam Nunn when the Georgia Democrat was chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee.

In discussing his political background, Record also noted that in 1999 while on the staff of the Air War College, he published work critical of the Clinton administration.

His essay, published by the Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute, carries the standard disclaimer that its views are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the Army, the Pentagon or the U.S. government.

But retired Army Col. Douglas C. Lovelace Jr., director of the Strategic Studies Institute, whose Web site carries Record's 56-page monograph, hardly distanced himself from it. "I think that the substance that Jeff brings out in the article really, really needs to be considered," he said.

Publication of the essay was approved by the Army War College's commandant, Maj. Gen. David H. Huntoon Jr., Lovelace said. He said he and Huntoon expected the study to be controversial, but added, "He considers it to be under the umbrella of academic freedom."

Larry DiRita, the top Pentagon spokesman, said he had not read the Record study. He added: "If the conclusion is that we need to be scaling back in the global war on terrorism, it's not likely to be on my reading list anytime soon."

Many of Record's arguments, such as the contention that Saddam Hussein's Iraq was deterred and did not present a threat, have been made by critics of the administration. Iraq, he concludes, "was a war-of-choice distraction from the war of necessity against al Qaeda." But it is unusual to have such views published by the War College, the Army's premier academic institution.

In addition, the essay goes further than many critics in examining the Bush administration's handling of the war on terrorism.

Record's core criticism is that the administration is biting off more than it can chew. He likens the scale of U.S. ambitions in the war on terrorism to Adolf Hitler's overreach in World War II. "A cardinal rule of strategy is to keep your enemies to a manageable number," he writes. "The Germans were defeated in two world wars . . . because their strategic ends outran their available means."

He also scoffs at the administration's policy, laid out by Bush in a November speech, of seeking to transform and democratize the Middle East. "The potential policy payoff of a democratic and prosperous Middle East, if there is one, almost certainly lies in the very distant future," he writes. "The basis on which this democratic domino theory rests has never been explicated."

He also casts doubt on whether the U.S. government will maintain its commitment to the war. "The political, fiscal, and military sustainability of the GWOT [global war on terrorism] remains to be seen," he states.

The essay concludes with several recommendations. Some are fairly noncontroversial, such as increasing the size of the Army and Marine Corps, a position that appears to be gathering support in Congress. But he also says the United States should scale back its ambitions in Iraq, and be prepared to settle for a "friendly autocracy" there rather than a genuine democracy.

To read the full report, go to washingtonpost.com/nation

washingtonpost.com



To: goldworldnet who wrote (523652)1/14/2004 12:13:27 AM
From: PartyTime  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
You might also consider this supplyside analyst's viewpoint on war and things. He's a republican whose got an interesting website, especially his Memo on The Margin category, which I'm sure many thinkers (emphasis included) would enjoy perusing.

wanniski.com

Paul O`Neill`s Revelations on Iraq

Memo To: Howard Dean and Wesley Clark
From: Jude Wanniski
Re: Lots of smoke, fire only maybe

On the assumption that one of you will be the Democratic nominee for President this year, I thought you might find it useful to get my informed perspective on what former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill is saying about President Bush planning to go to war with Iraq from Day One of his administration in January 2001. The one time I met with O'Neill was two months later, in his Treasury office, with his deputy Ken Dam and his chief of staff, Tim Adams, present. Most of the 40 minutes were spent talking about the economy. I did happen to mention that I had met with Vice President-elect Dick Cheney in the first days of January, during the transition, telling him that I had only decided to vote for George W. Bush when he, Cheney, was put on the ticket. My concern, I told O'Neill just as I had explained to Cheney, was the influence of Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz on Mr. Bush, as I knew they wanted to go to war with Iraq. I said I trusted Cheney would restrain them, just as he had joined with Colin Powell in 1991 when Perle and Wolfowitz wanted then-President Bush to "go on to Baghdad" to take out Saddam Hussein when that act would have undermined the broad coalition that supported the Gulf War and largely financed it. At the Treasury meeting, to my surprise, Ken Dam piped up: "Perle and Wolfowitz and Doug Feith," to which O'Neill nodded, which instantly informed me that they were not hawks. Feith, a sidekick and business partner of Perle's going back years, had just been named Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, an appointment that further alarmed the Arab/Muslim community.

Now I am not going to argue that O'Neill is absolutely correct in his insistence that President Bush had it in his mind on Day One that there would be a war with Iraq as soon as his National Security team could provide a rationale. President Bush now says 'taint so, that his administration from Day One was committed to "regime change" in Baghdad, but that was the policy they inherited from the Clinton administration. And "regime change" did not necessarily involve war. It could have involved some operation to have Saddam Hussein disposed of by an assassin, an idea openly suggested at one point by Thomas L. Friedman, the foreign-policy columnist of the New York Times. It's my belief, for what it's worth, that Perle and Wolfowitz and Donald Rumsfeld and the hawk team from top to bottom was more committed to the war idea than Mr. Bush, but that 9-11 did give them the rationale they needed to raise his level of commitment.

The President is not nor ever will be a geopolitical strategist who might be enthralled with the concepts of an American Empire along the lines developed by the neo-cons in their Project for a New American Century. So they played on the simpler openings they saw in him, first persuading him that Saddam was a modern Hitler who committed genocide, which he did not, and second reminding him that Saddam had tried to assassinate his father in 1993, a propaganda story cooked up by Perle and another of his sidekicks, Jim Woolsey, who was then Clinton's CIA director. It never happened, but even Senator John Kerry, one of your fellow contenders, last Sunday told Tim Russert on Meet the Press that one reason for being glad that Saddam is under lock and key is that he once tried to assassinate former President Bush.

If you are going to be President, you have to be able to sort out fact from disinformation. What I suggest, in connection with the idea that this administration inherited its plans and its intelligence on Iraq from the Clinton administration, is to have a chat with Joseph Nye. When you are in New Hampshire, he's close by, dean of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. Nye was an assistant secretary of Defense in the Clinton administration and might have been Secretary in a Gore administration. When he left the Pentagon for his Harvard assignment, he was named chairman of the Defense Policy Board, the outside advisory group that counsels the Defense chief. At the time he chaired the board, two of its members were Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz. That's right folks. Even as Perle and Wolfie were sitting around the campfire at Crawford with Texas Governor George W. Bush and Condie Rice in 1999-2000, getting Mr. Bush ready for his run, they were working on the Defense Policy Board, cooking up ideas on how to get rid of Saddam Hussein.

See what I mean? President Bush may say he "inherited" the plan for regime change from the Clinton administration, but if you talk to Mr. Nye, you may find that there was much less inheritance than meets the eye. Yes, President Clinton dropped some bombs on Iraq when it seemed convenient to show leadership as his impeachment loomed. But it is inconceivable that we would now be mired in Iraq if Al Gore had been elected. As soon as the Supreme Court declared Mr. Bush the winner, Mr. Nye resigned as chairman of the Defense Policy Board, succeeded by Richard Perle (who was forced to resign only when it was discovered that he was using his insider info to make megabucks on consulting contracts). Perle is still on the board, and I do assume if either of you make it to the Oval Office, you will find a way to have that status changed.

PS For a little background reading, I recommend this 2002 New Yorker article by Nicholas Lemann, who is now chairman of the Journalism School at Columbia University. He gets into the Nye-Perle-Wolfie nexus. home.arcor.de