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Politics : Those Damned Democrat's -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: calgal who wrote (1531)	1/17/2004 3:17:23 PM
From: calgal	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 1604

Page 2 of 2 < Back Get Real That's when we begin to see authenticity as just another tool used to manipulate the public. It's how we now see Nixon's Checkers speech, which was crafted with the help of an advertising agency. It's how we see contemporary candidates and their high-priced consultants. As Time magazine's Jay Carney once told a Washington Post media correspondent writing about McCain's 2000 campaign, "You get the sense you're being manipulated by candor, rather than manipulated by subterfuge and deception, but it is a strategy." That we could be manipulated with authenticity should hardly come as a surprise. In 1513, Machiavelli wrote, "[I]t is well to seem merciful, faithful, humane, sincere, religious, and also to be so; but you must have the mind so disposed that when it is needful to be otherwise you may be able to change to the opposite qualities." He meant that those virtues are for display, and political leaders can discard them when necessary. There are other risks associated with the politics of authenticity. First, it makes politics even more about people and feelings and less about issues and positions, and feelings are harder to pin down than positions. George W. Bush won the White House, in part, by campaigning on the politics of authenticity. In February 2000, Bush told a California audience, "I believe that when we change hearts, we change America." He offered compassion, and many believed it to be genuine. Yet Bush's critics argue that, once in office, he governed in ways inconsistent with "compassionate conservatism." Second, an over-reliance on authenticity can get politicians into trouble both abroad and at home. Diplomats, for example, often avoid plain speaking to steer clear of needless provocation of foes or alienation of allies. And presidents should hardly channel the unmediated impulses of their inner selves to the general public, especially in times of war. When Bush met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in June 2001 and said, "I was able to get a sense of his soul," it may have been genuine but it appeared naive. Putin was a trained KGB spy; inauthenticity was at the heart of his trade. In relating to Putin in this way, Bush looked silly for ignoring the hard realities of Putin's background, his policy in Chechnya and his shaky commitment to human rights in Russia. Despite its flaws, the politics of authenticity does hold one promise: a more inclusive, robust democracy. Even if you think Dean's presentation of himself is fake, or tailored to the moment, there's no doubting that he and candidates like him can breathe life into modern politics. Going back to Tom Paine, Daniel Shays and Andrew Jackson, America's democracy has always been shaken awake by rough and ready political figures. In this tradition, the politics of authenticity represents a challenge to risk-averse party regulars and can bring issues such as campaign finance reform to the fore. As with McCain and Perot, Dean's greatest contribution will never be his unabashed personality. It will instead be the hundreds of thousands of non-voters he hopes to bring back into the democratic fold with his rebellious approach to issues. Much of reality TV is simply unwatchable, but the revitalization of our democracy would be one show worth watching. Author's e-mail: msigner@virginia.edu Michael Signer, a law student at the University of Virginia, holds a doctorate in political science from the University of California, Berkeley.