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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Lane3 who wrote (26072)1/24/2004 11:33:28 AM
From: michael97123  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793914
 
I would be interested in comments on this op ed piece in todays NYTimes particularly by the very knowledgable women on this thread.
nytimes.com
Career Girls
By RHONDA GARELICK

Published: January 24, 2004


The latest Julia Roberts film, "Mona Lisa Smile," invites moviegoers to look back at the benighted, pre-feminist 1950's from the vantage point of our presumed enlightenment. Set at a heavily fictionalized Wellesley College, the film offers a blend of wintry campus scenes, pretty girls and smug relief at how far we've come.

The protagonist, a progressive art historian named Katherine Watson (played by Ms. Roberts), struggles to inspire critical thinking in young women who see their elite education as a passport to upper-class wifedom, not to intellectual independence. The film also reminds us of the period's political witch hunts, and of how much sexism ultimately had in common with McCarthyism. Both relied upon splitting the world into absolute categories: chaste vs. fallen woman, good citizen vs. suspected Communist.

In the end, although Ms. Roberts's character leaves Wellesley in frustration over its academic constraints, she is seen off in her taxi by an adoring phalanx of bicycle-riding students. The scene evokes the 19th-century "Bloomers," pioneer feminists in trousers who defiantly rode bicycles (considered dangerous to sexual virtue). The film's conclusion, then, weaves these girls symbolically into the history of the women's movement, leading us to suppose that, like their feminist foremothers, these students ride toward the freedoms of decades to come.

But do female students today continue to ride their bicycles steadily forward, considering themselves inheritors of the hard-won freedoms of the 1960's and 70's? As a professor of humanities at a select coeducational liberal arts college, I think not. One might imagine that women benefiting from such an education would develop a particularly astute political radar. After all, a liberal arts education aims to nurture just this brand of alertness, providing four years to read between the lines, question surface meanings, and approach the world with engaged curiosity. The skills produced by such an education should promote and sustain thoughtful critique of gender roles as well as equip students to engage in a participatory democracy.

But my own experience shows that this is not the case. Feminist awareness and political questioning are just as hard for me to inspire as they are for Miss Watson in the movie. While my own college days in the 1980's overflowed with heated debates about women's rights and cultural politics in general, such fervor now seems absent from campus life.

Although virtually all of my female students expect to pursue careers, this is where their enlightenment seems to end. For them, the reassuring power of a college degree to unlock professional doors seems to have rendered "feminism" obsolete. In other words, the fires of feminism may have burned down to the ashes of careerism.

But, as hinted at by recent public debates over women's "opting out" (leaving lucrative but life-draining jobs to focus on families), mere access to a work world still constructed by and for men cannot alleviate underlying obstacles to genuine equality. Similarly, in the classroom, the promise of career possibilities for women cannot alone counterbalance certain disturbing assumptions and behaviors, which pass unnoticed by most.

When I show classic French films in class, for example, I am consistently amazed by my students' swiftness to divide female characters into "bad girls" and "good girls" (sometimes literally using those words). One young man recently wrote an angry essay condemning a character for being "easy," for her overt sexuality (I did say this was French cinema), concluding, "She represents a model of feminist principles." He was right, but for the wrong reasons.

In the same way, the supposedly equalizing force of college does not necessarily embolden women to stake equal claim for their opinions in class. It is still common for even the very brightest female students to hold their hands over their mouths when they speak, or to cut off their own remarks, mumbling, "Forget it, it was stupid." When I call them on this, asking them to consider the political ramifications of such undermining behavior, they are surprised — surprised, that is, to be asked to read their own sexual politics.

But such reading is crucial, especially since literacy in sexual politics means literacy in all politics. Despite some reawakening of student activism via Howard Dean's Internet-based campaign, in my experience, attempts to introduce contemporary politics into classroom discussions meet with blank stares. Even this past year, as our country began a war, I encountered mostly silence when I broached the topic of Iraq, a mix of paralysis and anxiety, plus some disgruntlement over my deviating from the syllabus.

But each year, frankly, I feel increasingly compelled to look beyond my syllabuses and to devote myself more to teaching "wakeful" political literacy: the skills needed to interrogate all cultural messages. Students need to be able to mine the implications, for example, of a "Family Time Flexibility Act" which, while claiming to help women balance home and family, might have actually decreased overtime pay. They need to look critically at a presidential address that divides the world into opposing halves labeled "with us" and "with the terrorists."

Ultimately though, if students resist such reading and suffer from amnesia in politics — sexual and otherwise — it's because they drink from the same pool of Lethe we all do. A film like "Mona Lisa" merits more than our own complacent smiles. The troubling 1950's may not be quite the quaint relic we think they are.

Rhonda Garelick is an associate professor of French and Italian at Connecticut College.



To: Lane3 who wrote (26072)1/24/2004 11:38:55 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
The Revolution Will Be Televised
By JENNIFER 8. LEE

WASHINGTON — No sooner had Howard Dean given his now infamous speech on Monday night than the same social forces that had raised him up began chopping him down.

Techno-mutations of Dr. Dean's performance proliferated like kudzu. Dozens of remixes, overlaying his speech to music, were played on radio stations, computers and at dance parties nationwide.

The Deanian shriek can be used as an alert chime for the Eudora e-mail program, instant messaging or other software (http://pad.metoca.net). It has also been spliced into movies and television dialogues.A digitally manipulated photo showed Dr. Dean strangling a kitten with his outstretched hand. Another image from the speech showed his eyeballs jiggling in their sockets.

Mentions of "Doing the Dean," a dance where you supposedly roll up your sleeves and bounce around, appeared on blogs, the online discussion boards where Dr. Dean first began attracting attention.

During his campaign, Dr. Dean has repeatedly rallied crowds by repeating "You have the power!" And his campaign boasted of moving politics away from a broadcast medium into something more interactive.

But in a connected world, empowerment works both ways.

It is just as easy to register the Web site DeanGoesNuts.com as AlaskaforDean.com. And if the anti-establishment appeal of Dr. Dean's Internet campaign has attracted new people into politics, the pop culture status of his shriek is attracting the otherwise politically disengaged. (MTV.com has a page of remixes of the Dean speech.)

Dr. Dean made his speech Monday night. The soundtracks were available by Tuesday afternoon. Within hours, many blogs had linked to the remixes, and by Wednesday, they were being played on national radio and television.

"If you really want to spread the word on something really, really quickly, there is only one way: get on the Internet and get the micropundits, the bloggers, to cover it," said Jonas M. Luster, a sociologist who has heard his own Dean remix played on the radio.

DeanGoesNuts.com was actually started by a creative Dean supporter, Caner Ozdemir, a 21-year-old college student in Muncie, Ind.

"I thought the more people saw it and heard it, the less shock it has," said Mr. Ozdemir, who posted requests for remixes on the Dean campaign blog, identifying himself as a Dean supporter.

The campaign staff, however, didn't see eye to eye with him. The Web site administrators deleted his requests and suspended his account.

"They didn't feel like that at the time,'' he said, "and they just wanted to shut me up."

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company



To: Lane3 who wrote (26072)1/24/2004 12:08:55 PM
From: Lazarus_Long  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793914
 
For not asking "Mother, may I?" of the UN?



To: Lane3 who wrote (26072)1/24/2004 12:57:18 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Edwards is surging. How the Press plays it depends on the final order of number two, three, and four. If Dean is third or fourth, he is out of it. He hasn't got a hope in hell in the South.

Edwards drew more than twice as much support among those citing Iowa as a factor than those who did not.

THE TIMES POLL
Kerry Showing Strength Across Board in N.H.
Among likely voters, the Massachusetts senator has a double-digit lead. His rival Dean is hurt as concern shifts from war to pocketbook issues.
By Ronald Brownstein
LA Times Staff Writer

January 24, 2004

MANCHESTER, N.H. — Democratic presidential candidate John F. Kerry, demonstrating the broad appeal that powered his victory in Iowa, leads by double digits among likely voters in Tuesday's pivotal New Hampshire primary, a new Times poll has found.

Kerry's three main rivals — former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean, retired Gen. Wesley K. Clark and Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina — are locked in a tight struggle for second place that could shape the race's next stage.

The poll also found that the New Hampshire contest remains unsettled. One in 10 likely voters said they were undecided. Nearly two in five who have picked a candidate said they still could change their mind. That's the same share who described themselves as open to switching candidates in The Times poll shortly before Monday's Iowa caucuses, in which Kerry and Edwards surged to an unexpected one-two finish.

For the Democratic contenders, the stakes in New Hampshire are formidable: No candidate who finished lower than second in the state's primary has won either major party's presidential nomination since 1952.

In the poll, Kerry was backed by 32% of likely voters. He was followed by Dean (19%), Clark (17%), Edwards (14%) and Sen. Joe Lieberman of Connecticut (6%). Rep. Dennis J. Kucinich of Ohio attracted 1%, while the Rev. Al Sharpton less than 1%. Along with the 10% who were undecided, another 1% said they preferred someone else.

One factor hurting Dean is that bread-and-butter concerns are eclipsing his signature issue: opposition to the war in Iraq. More of those polled picked health care (36%) than Iraq (20%) as the issue they most wanted to hear the candidates discuss. The economy (22%) also edged Iraq as a priority.

Those citing both health care and the economy as their top concerns gave Kerry a solid edge over his rivals. More strikingly, the Massachusetts senator led Dean, 33% to 22%, among those who said the Iraq war was the principal issue determining their vote. Clark was backed by 18% for whom the war was their overriding concern.

The Times Poll, supervised by polling director Susan Pinkus, surveyed 1,176 likely Democratic primary voters from Jan. 20 through 23; it has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points.

It included 260 interviews Friday — the day after the last candidate debate before the primary — and found the forum had relatively little effect on voter attitudes. Although most respondents said they watched the debate, only 9% said it changed their preference — and they scattered among the candidates about evenly.

The Iowa contest appears to have had a stronger effect: 20% of the likely New Hampshire voters said the caucus results influenced their decision, while 79% said they did not.

Kerry ran slightly better among those who said Iowa influenced their decision than those who did not; Edwards drew more than twice as much support among those citing Iowa as a factor than those who did not.

As in surveys of Iowa caucusgoers, Kerry demonstrated an extraordinary reach across the party in The Times Poll. Kerry led among men and women; Democrats and independents (who are allowed to vote in the primary); voters who earn less than $40,000 a year and those who earn more; liberals and moderates (he was tied with Edwards among the small share who considered themselves conservatives) and voters who lived in cities, suburbs and small towns.

Kerry dominated the field among voters without a college education — he was backed by 39% of them, compared with 16% for Clark and 13% for Dean. Kerry ran almost evenly with Dean among the college-educated voters, who have been the core of the former governor's constituency. Kerry was backed by 27% of college-educated poll respondents, compared with 25% for Dean and 19% for Clark.

In surveys through late last year, Dean held large leads over Kerry among voters with college educations who expected to cast ballots in the New Hampshire primary. These voters long have been attracted to candidates, such as Dean, who portray themselves as reformers and political outsiders — a lineage that traces from Eugene McCarthy in 1968 to Gary Hart in 1984 and Bill Bradley in 2000.

For Kerry, who previous surveys found was judged stiff or aloof by many voters, experience and credibility on national security emerged as his strongest assets in The Times Poll. Asked to identify one reason why they supported Kerry, 29% cited experience, far more than picked any other attribute. Another 9% cited his military background.

"In the end, looking over all the candidates to see which I thought would make the best president of the United States, that's when I came to Sen. Kerry," said Robert Steenson of Canterbury, the chief operating officer of a service company. "With his [military] service and his record, he seemed the most qualified."

Kerry also led comfortably when voters were asked, regardless of which candidate they supported, which of the contenders they believed "is most qualified to serve as commander in chief."

Kerry was picked by 37% while Clark, who has built his campaign around his military and foreign policy experience, was tabbed by 25%. Just 11% selected Dean and only 6% named Edwards.

For Dean, the poll documents an accelerating decline in New Hampshire since late last year, when polls often showed him attracting 40% of the vote or more.

Part of Dean's problem is that voters appear less angry at the Democratic candidates who supported President Bush on the war.

Three-fifths of likely primary voters said they would prefer a Democratic nominee who opposed the war, but nearly three-fourths — almost the same percentage as in Iowa — said they are willing to vote for a candidate who doesn't share that view.

Underscoring that attitude, Kerry led Dean, 30% to 25%, among those who say they prefer a nominee who opposed the war.

Dean also appears to have been hurt by doubts about his temperament and qualifications for the presidency, an issue highlighted by his manic concession speech in Iowa. One telling contrast: While 81% of Kerry voters consider him most qualified to serve as commander in chief and 75% of Clark supporters believe he's the most prepared, just 50% of Dean's backers gave him that nod.

Dean's decline is measured in voters like Yvonne Howard, a first-grade teacher in Warner, N.H. who responded to The Times poll. For weeks, Howard had displayed a campaign sign for Dean in her yard. "I even gave him money," she said, "although I didn't tell my husband."

But Dean's concession speech caused Howard to pull the sign from her lawn — and her support from the former frontrunner. "I was solidly for Dean until last Monday night," she said. "But I was embarrassed…. I thought when he becomes president he is going to hit tougher situations than coming in third in the Iowa [caucuses]. If he's going to fly off the handle, I'm not sure that he's the man who would best handle the job."

Despite such defections, the survey offered hints that Dean's decline may have bottomed out. He continued to maintain substantial support among groups that keyed his rise. He ran almost evenly with Kerry among younger voters, union households and liberal Democrats, as well as the college graduates.

When voters were asked, regardless of who they are supporting, which candidate would "substantially change the way things are done in Washington," Dean drew 24%, compared with 21% for Kerry, 14% for Clark and 11% for Edwards.

And the poll found Dean's supporters are more solidly committed to him than those now backing others. Among those backing him, 73% said they are certain to vote for him — compared with 60% for Kerry, 57% for Clark and 44% for Edwards. Asked why they back Dean, his supporters primarily cited his stands on issues: 29% mentioned health care and 22% his opposition to the war in Iraq.

Dean's solid supporters include poll respondents Stanley Orzechowski, a retired textile executive who lives in Manchester. Orzechowski said he finds Dean bracing and direct, especially in comparison with Kerry. "I liked the way Dean talked, plain, clear; it impressed me," said Orzechowski. "Something just didn't gel for me about Kerry."

Like Kerry, Clark appears to be attracting voters based more on his qualifications than his agenda: asked why they support him, 16% cited his leadership qualities, 15% his military background and 14% his experience. Edwards, judging by the 56% of his supporters who say they could still change their mind, remains something of a blank slate for many voters here. But he's rising on the radar screen; he had been attracting only single-digit support in New Hampshire before the Iowa results.

Edwards' supporters cite his charisma and the sense that he's a straight shooter as their principal reasons for backing him, and the poll shows those sentiments have enabled him to gain a foothold across the party.

Howard, the first-grade schoolteacher, is torn between Kerry's experience and Edwards' freshness. She's surprised to find those two as her final contenders because she strongly opposed the war in Iraq — the sentiment that initially led her to Dean.

"I was very much antiwar because I lived through Vietnam," she said. "But I believe Kerry's line that he didn't know it would entail this much, that he didn't know it would be a blank check. And I believe the same with Edwards. I think they were misled too, which allows me to support them."

Copyright 2004 Los Angeles Times