<edited - full text at link> Transcript: Senate Armed Services Committee
Testimony of Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld
Federal Document Clearing House Wednesday, February 4, 2004; 4:14 PM
....RUMSFELD: ....<font size=4> The men and women in the intelligence community have a tough and often thankless job. If they fail, the world knows it. And when they succeed, as they often do to our country's great benefit, their accomplishments often have to remain secret.
Though we cannot discuss those successes always in open session, it would be worth the committee's time to hear of them, and I hope and trust that the director of central intelligence, George Tenet, will be able to make some of those recent examples of successes -- and there have been many -- public so that the impression that has and is being created of broad intelligence failures can be dispelled. <font size=3>
I can say that the intelligence community's support in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as the global war on terror overall, have contributed to the speed, the precision, the success of those operations and saved countless lives.
We're blessed that so many fine individuals have stepped forward to serve in the intelligence community and are willing to work under great pressure and, in more than a few cases, risk their lives.
They faced a difficult challenge in the case of Iraq. They knew the history of the Iraqi regime, its use of chemical weapons on its own people and its neighbors. They knew what had been discovered during the inspections after the Persian Gulf War, some of which was far more advanced, particularly the nuclear program, than the pre-Gulf War intelligence had indicated. <font size=4> RUMSFELD: They were keen observers of the reports of UNSCOM in the 1990s. And they and others did their best to penetrate the secrets of the regime of Saddam Hussein after the inspectors left in 1998. <font size=3> It was the consensus of the intelligence community, and of successive administrations of both political parties, and of the Congress that reviewed the same intelligence, and much of the international community, I might add, that Saddam Hussein was pursuing weapons of mass destruction.
Saddam's Hussein's behavior throughout that period reinforced that conclusion. He did not behave like someone who was disarming and wanted to prove he was doing so. He did not open up his country to the world, as did Kazakhstan, Ukraine, South Africa had previously done -- and as Libya is doing today. Libya.
Instead he continued to give up tens of billions of dollars in oil revenues under U.N. sanctions, when he could have had the sanctions lifted and received those billions of dollars simply by demonstrating that he'd disarmed, if, in fact, he had.
Why did he do this? His regime filed with the United Nations what almost everyone agreed was a fraudulent declaration and ignored the final opportunity afforded him by U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441.
Why? The Congress, the national security teams of both the Clinton and the Bush administrations looked at essentially the same intelligence and they came to similar conclusions: that the Iraqi regime posed a danger and should be changed. The Congress passed regime change legislation in 1998.
In the end, the coalition of nations decided to enforce the U.N.'s resolutions.....
....RUMSFELD: It's a difficult task. <font size=4> Think: It took us 10 months to find Saddam Hussein. The reality is that the hole he was found hiding in was large enough to hold enough biological weapons to kill thousands of human beings. Our people had gone past that farm several times; had no idea he was there.
And unlike Saddam Hussein, such objects once buried can stay buried. In a country the size of California, the chances of inspectors finding something buried in the ground without their being led to it by people knowledgeable about where it was is minimal.....
....RUMSFELD: If at this important moment we mistake intelligence for irrefutable evidence, analysts might become hesitant to inform policy-makers of what they think they know and what they know that they don't know, and even what they think.<font size=3>
And policy-makers bereft of intelligence will find themselves much less able to make prudential judgments, the judgments necessary to protect our country. <font size=4> I'm convinced that the president of the United States did the right thing in Iraq, let there be no doubt. I came to my conclusions based on the intelligence we all saw, just as each of you made your judgments and cast your votes based on the same information.
The president has sworn to preserve, protect and defend the nation.
With respect to Iraq, he took the available evidence into account. He took into account September 11th. He took into account Saddam Hussein's behavior of deception. He took into account Iraq's ongoing defiance of the U.N. and the fact that he was still shooting at U.S. and U.K. aircraft and the crews that were enforcing U.N. resolutions in northern and southern no-fly zones. And he took into account the fact that this was a vicious regime that had used weapons of mass destruction against its own people and its neighbors and murdered and tortured the Iraqi people for decades.
The president went to the United Nations and the Security Council and passed a 17th resolution. And he came here to this Congress and, based on the same intelligence, you voted to support military action if the Iraqi regime failed to take that final opportunity to cooperate with the United Nations.
And when Saddam Hussein did pass up that final opportunity, the president nonetheless gave him an ultimatum -- a final, final opportunity -- to leave the country.
Only then, when all alternatives had been fully exhausted, did the coalition act to liberate Iraq. And ours is a safer world today and the Iraqi people far better off for that action. <font size=3>
Senator Warner asked in his opening statement if I know of any pressure on intelligence people or manipulation of intelligence, and the answer is absolutely not.
I believe that Senator Roberts has attested to that from the analysts and witnesses that he and his committee have interrogated over a period of many, many months.
RUMSFELD: I believe that Dr. Kay answered exactly the same way: that he talked to analyst after analyst, and knows no manipulation of the data and no indication of anyone expressing concern about pressure......
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