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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (542626)2/19/2004 11:57:46 AM
From: JDN  Respond to of 769670
 
I love it, hope all Democratic Leaders make such an announcement. Then THEY can have the 10% vote and we'll take the rest. jdn



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (542626)2/19/2004 12:00:34 PM
From: JakeStraw  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
Kenneth, Why are you so interested in gay marriage?



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (542626)2/19/2004 12:04:17 PM
From: PROLIFE  Respond to of 769670
 
I have no problem with automatic weapons and soon I may get me a bunch to sell out of the trunk of my car...the hell with the rule of law, right Kennyboy???



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (542626)2/19/2004 12:17:12 PM
From: Johannes Pilch  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
"Marriage has been undermined by divorce, so don't tell me about marriage," he said.

We warned against "no-fault" divorce when leftists hatched that evil and squirted it across the nation. Now they claim the thing we warned against has happened and then use that as a basis for justifying their putting the last knife into our hearts.

Leftists are liars...



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (542626)2/19/2004 12:57:58 PM
From: Hope Praytochange  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Unmasking John Kerry
by Andy Obermann
18 February 2004

John Kerry in 1997: “Now that [the Cold War] is over, why is it that our vast intelligence apparatus continues to grow…?”



Several days ago, a story broke that I thought would lead to the demise of John Kerry, and I’m not talking about his alleged Clintonian affair with a woman half his age. No, I’m talking about an old interview the Senator gave in 1970.

In this interview, which appeared in the Harvard Crimson, Kerry makes some serious statements in regard to our intelligence gathering apparatus and our military -- our National Defense mechanism. According to the interview, Kerry hoped “to almost eliminate CIA activity,” and claimed that he was an, “Internationalist, [who] would like to see our troops dispersed through the world only at the directive of the United Nations.”

Kerry’s CIA statement is perhaps the most haunting in our post-9/11 world. His actions as a Senator seem to demonstrate that his position on the issue hasn’t changed much either.

For example, in 1994, Kerry proposed a bill to slash the budget of our intelligence agencies by more than $1 billion -- and freeze spending at that level for the next several years. Luckily, some of Kerry’s comrades in the Senate thought otherwise. The bill failed by a 3 to 1 margin. A year later, Kerry proposed a similar bill set to cut $1.5 billion from the intelligence budget. Kerry stated that, “[the bill] will reduce the Intelligence budget by $300 million in each of the fiscal years 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, and 2000.” Kerry was the only Senator to sponsor the bill, which never made it to the floor.

Want more proof? OK, in 1997, Kerry was still rattling for reduced intelligence budgets. When addressing the Senate, he questioned the wisdom of our then-current intelligence apparatus after the Cold War. “Now that that struggle is over, why is it that our vast intelligence apparatus continues to grow…?” This is the same John Kerry that questioned the quality, effectiveness, and scope of our intelligence agencies after September 11. Hypocritical to say the least.

Of course, his campaign has explanations for all of this, but actions speak louder than words. Kerry’s actions are making my ears bleed. More recent events, however, ring with even more volume.

A seemingly overlooked aspect of a Kerry White House would be his position in regards to our chief enemy throughout the world—terrorists. You see President Kerry would not go to war with terrorists. In fact, to President Kerry, this isn’t even a war. It is a law enforcement issue, a policing problem. To him, we don’t need to use the military to annihilate terrorists and those who support them; we need only to arrest terrorists, put them on trial, and hope for the best. Kerry stated, “[The War on Terror] will involve the military now and then, but will primarily be an intelligence gathering, law enforcement operation.”

Is this man actually so naive? I remember trying this for eight years, under Bill Clinton, and what did it get us? Three thousand dead Americans, that’s what it got us. We failed to respond to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, where thousands were injured. We failed to respond to the Khobar Towers attack in 1996. The 1998 Embassy attacks in Nairobi, Kenya, and Tanzania, and the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole also went without a major military response as well. All of these attacks were credited to al Qaeda, and they were all treated as a policing problem—and it did nothing more than embolden Osama bin Laden to reach for the stars, and succeed on 9/11.

Kerry claimed that the War on Terror should be “a great big manhunt,” like we’re playing cops and robbers here or something. Wake up! These people want to kill us. They will stop only when America is in shambles and we the people are six feet under. The only effective way to defeat terrorists is to put them on the defensive. We have to take the fight to them! Why do you think we haven’t been attacked again since 9/11? It’s not because they don’t want to and it’s definitely not because they’re afraid of being arrested. It’s because we have brought the war to them—and have, in large part, been successful in dismantling their organizations and facilitating their extinction.

Barry Goldwater once stated, “If an enemy power is bent on conquering you, and proposed to turn all of his resources to that end, he is at war with you; and you—unless you contemplate surrender—are at war with him.” I’m damn sure not surrendering and I’m grateful that we have a President that isn’t either. I’m not so sure about John Kerry, though.

Andy Obermann is majoring in History and Secondary Education at Missouri Valley College.



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (542626)2/19/2004 1:06:41 PM
From: Hope Praytochange  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Who Rules in Massachusetts?
by William J. Watkins
18 February 2004

The recent shenanigans of the Massachusetts Supreme Court with regard to gay "marriage" raise serious questions about where ultimate sovereignty resides in our system of government.



The squabble over who can marry whom in Massachusetts continued last week. In an advisory opinion, the Massachusetts Supreme Court further elaborated on its decision in Goodridge v. Department of Public Health.

By way of background, Goodridge was a suit filed by fourteen plaintiffs from five Massachusetts counties alleging injury because local government officials refused to issue them marriage licenses. The licenses were denied on the grounds that civil marriage was limited to opposite-sex couples in Massachusetts. The case was eventually heard by the Massachusetts Supreme Court.

In reviewing Massachusetts’s marriage laws, the Goodridge Court asked whether the prohibition against same-sex marriage was rationally related to a legitimate state objective. Citing the Massachusetts Constitution’s due process and equal protection guarantees, the Court held that the denial of a marriage license to a same-sex couple was irrational. In so doing, the Court abandoned the common law definition of marriage as being between a man and a woman. The Court gave the legislature 180 days to make the necessary alterations in the state’s laws.

Fast forward to February 2004. The Massachusetts Senate drafted Bill No. 2175, entitled “An Act relative to civil unions.” In an effort to extend the rights and benefits of marriage to homosexual couples, the bill declared that “spouses in a civil union shall have all the same benefits, protections, rights, and responsibilities under law as are granted to spouses in a marriage.” The only difference in the status of the two sets of couples would be the label attached. Homosexuals would be united in “civil unions” whereas heterosexual couples would be united in “marriages.” The Senate then asked the Supreme Court for an advisory opinion on whether Bill No. 2175 satisfied the law created by Goodridge.

In the opinion released on February 4, 2004, the Court began by noting that, as in Goodridge, it was applying the rational relationship test to Bill No. 2175. After a brief examination of the provisions of the civil union bill, the Court held that “[t]he same defects of rationality evident in the marriage ban considered in Goodridge are evident in, if not exaggerated by, Senate No. 2175. Segregating same-sex unions from opposite-sex unions cannot possibly be held rationally to advance or ‘preserve’ . . . the Commonwealth’s legitimate interests.” Thus, the Court sent the legislature back the drawing board in its efforts to comply with Goodridge.

Of note is a very clear message sent to the people of Massachusetts and their elected representatives. In the concluding paragraphs of the advisory opinion, the Supreme Court averred that “[c]ourts define what is constitutionally permissible, and the Massachusetts Constitution does not permit this type of labeling.” In other words, the Massachusetts Supreme Court is the ultimate sovereign in the state. The Court, and not the people, decides what the fundamental law is.

No doubt the heroes of Lexington and Concord turned in their graves upon hearing this pronouncement. We must remember that in the Declaration of Independence one of the central complaints of the colonists was that the King had abolished "our most valuable Laws" and had suspended "our own Legislatures." The colonials placed such a high value on local self-government that they were willing to war against the mighty British Empire. Indeed, this dispute over the locus of sovereignty (colonial legislatures or the British Parliament) was the impetus behind the American Revolution.

While some form of judicial review can be a positive, judges should strike the act of the people’s elected representatives only on the rarest of occasions. With frequent elections, the people possess the power to boot out legislators who make bad policy. When unelected judges delve into the realm of policy-making, there is little the people can do.

And the Massachusetts Supreme Court was certainly making policy with Goodridge and the advisory opinion. The Court expressly stated that it was examining the marriage laws and the civil union bill under the “rational relationship test.” This standard is the least exacting form of judicial scrutiny and most statutes reviewed using this standard are upheld. Under the rational relationship test, the court does not strike laws which it believes are unwise, silly, or inane, but only those that are irrational. The rational relationship test is simply judicial recognition that absent a specific constitutional prohibition, the people have the right to embody their opinions in law. This, of course, is the very essence of a democratic government.

One’s beliefs about homosexuality and marriage aside, a ban on same-sex marriage is not irrational. Nor is legislation that permits a same-sex couple to marry irrational. A reasonable legislator could conclude that homosexual marriage threatens the institution of the family, which many view as the foundation of a free society. Or, the same legislator could conclude that in the modern world the benefits conferred because of marital status (e.g., taxation, health benefits, and inheritance) are so important that the notion of a civil marriage must be altered to catch up with the times. Or, a rational legislator could conclude that marriage is such a personal decision that government should get out of the marriage business and leave the matter to churches or contract law. I prefer this third option, but believe that the other two options are not irrational.

The same flaw is present in the advisory opinion’s treatment of the label “civil union.” A reasonable legislator could conclude that Massachusetts needs to distinguish between homosexual unions and heterosexual unions because the former are not recognized as legitimate by the federal government or other states. The different labels could aid in the establishment of state programs to benefit same-sex couples and their children when these couples are denied, for example, federal Social Security or health care benefits because they are not “married” under the federal standard. While different labels are not essential in creating such programs, they do not have to be. Under the rational basis test the Court must ask only if there is some conceivable basis for the distinction.

The beauty of democratic government with the guarantee of free speech is that we may change our minds and our laws as dictated by the marketplace of ideas. Society benefits from such a discussion and issues can be settled to the satisfaction of both sides. When courts take issues such as gay marriage away from the people and their representatives, democracy runs the risk of atrophying and seldom does the losing side retire peacefully from the field.

The recent shenanigans of the Massachusetts Supreme Court raise serious questions about where ultimate sovereignty resides in our system of government. Right now it seems that the courts have the upper hand. Of course, the British Parliament once had the upper hand against the colonial legislatures too. Perhaps it is time that the people remind the courts about the first principles of self-government.

William J. Watkins, Jr., is an attorney practicing in Greenville, South Carolina and a research fellow at the Independent Institute. His latest book is Reclaiming the American Revolution: The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions and Their Legacy.