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To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (31106)2/24/2004 1:23:01 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793883
 
The Mullahs want a "Tel Aviv" bomb, folks. No doubt about it. One encouraging thing is that I think Israel has terrific Intel in Iran.

Another Nuclear Program Found in Iran
Undisclosed Experiments Heighten Suspicions About Intent to Make Arms

By Karl Vick
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, February 24, 2004; Page A01

TEHRAN, Feb. 23 -- International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors have discovered that Iran produced and experimented with polonium, an element useful in initiating the chain reaction that produces a nuclear explosion, according to two people familiar with a report the inspectors will submit to the United Nations this week.

Iran reportedly acknowledged the experiments but offered an explanation involving another of polonium's possible uses, which include power generation. The IAEA noted the explanation and left the issue "hanging there," said one person familiar with the matter. The experiments were described by this person as occurring "some time ago."

The discovery is the latest example of a nuclear activity that Iran had not previously disclosed. Earlier, it was revealed that Iran had obtained plans and parts for a nuclear centrifuge, a sophisticated machine used to enrich uranium for use in power plants, as well as in nuclear weapons. Iran insists it always intended its nuclear program to be used only to supply electrical power.

Polonium is a radioactive, silvery-gray or black metallic element. The most common natural isotope is polonium-210. It has some industrial purposes, but can also be utilized, in combination with beryllium, to make sure that the chain reaction leading to a nuclear explosion is initiated at precisely the right moment.

"It does heighten suspicions because polonium-210 is so linked to a certain type of neutron-initiator," said David Albright, an expert on nuclear proliferation at the Institute for Science and International Security. "But it's not an ideal neutron-initiator. It doesn't last long, so you've got to keep producing it."

Polonium-210 has a half-life of 138 days. Experts say research on polonium would be done early in a weapons program. "It's quite clear they were trying to make an explosive device," said one person with knowledge of the polonium discovery. "But they hadn't gotten far enough. No one will find a smoking gun because they weren't able to make a gun."

The disclosures present an unwelcome political challenge for Iran, which was hoping to put the nuclear issue behind it before March 8, when the full board of the IAEA convenes in Vienna. Instead, diplomats said, Iranian officials were bracing for a report raising enough questions to keep the nuclear issue alive.

"They are going to be facing this problem for a while," said one diplomat.

"We remain committed to our obligations under the International Atomic Energy Agency," Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi said on Sunday, while acknowledging to reporters that Iran had acquired nuclear equipment from "middlemen" representing a Pakistani nuclear scientist. "We've never pursued nuclear arms and will never do so," he said.

The disclosures come as Iran is undergoing fresh inspections by the IAEA, the U.N. body charged with enforcing the 1970 nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Iran was facing a deadline for disclosing its nuclear activities late last year when three European countries persuaded its government to accede to international pressure to open its nuclear program. Iran agreed to permit more rigorous inspections, suspend uranium enrichment and make a full accounting of nuclear programs it had kept largely secret for 18 years.

Inspections appear to have gone smoothly. Iran's state-controlled media make no mention of the presence of the foreign inspectors. And though one foreign official said the IAEA would prefer that Iranian officials be "more pro-active" in revealing previously hidden elements, Iranian officials have made no effort to block the inspectors when they follow leads they generate themselves.

On the other hand, their discoveries corrode Iran's already fragile credibility. Neither the polonium work nor plans for a P-2 centrifuge were mentioned in Iran's earlier "comprehensive" summary. Discovery of the P-2 centrifuge design and components -- revealed after Libya exposed a black market in nuclear programs run out of Pakistan -- was especially damaging to trust, officials said.

"They say it was an oversight. The IAEA people don't think it was an oversight," said one analyst here. "You have forces that want to keep things secret."

Albright, who has written extensively on Iran's nuclear program, said, "The Libyan bomb design looks like what China gave Pakistan, and why wouldn't have Iran gotten it?

"There's a lot of pressure on Iran," he said. "And I don't think it's credible that Iran says it never had a military nuclear program. To me, it's not so much a suspicion, it's more of an assessment that Iran did have a nuclear weapons program."

Privately, many foreign and Iranian analysts agree. "The intention is clear from the fact they had a clandestine program," said one analyst, who would not be identified by nationality or position.

Begun by Iran's own accounting at the height of its 1980-88 war with Iraq, the nuclear program is believed to have been chiefly under the control of the hard-line Islamic Revolution Guard Corps. Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was using chemical weapons on the front line, and Iran was internationally isolated.

One Iranian political figure said powerful players in Iran's religious government -- who diplomats said agreed only reluctantly to the agreement brokered by Britain, France and Germany -- rebuffed the pleas of some inside the government to reveal the military side of the atomic program at the time, when it might have done so without penalty.

"I think it was because they wanted to conclude things in a way that it did not look like they had been totally defeated," he said.

In fact, no firm proof of a weapons program has emerged from Iran's far-ranging nuclear activities. But several analysts said they expect more evidence trails to emerge from a prodigious record that Iranian officials have pleaded they have trouble sorting through themselves.

By the time a working gas centrifuge and other advanced components of the clandestine program began coming to light a year ago, outside experts were stunned to see Iran had set out to produce enriched uranium by four distinct methods. The end product could be used either for generating power or, if enriched to weapons grade, for making warheads.

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (31106)2/24/2004 9:13:48 AM
From: aladin  Respond to of 793883
 
Nadine,

I stand corrected - good research.

John



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (31106)2/24/2004 1:07:30 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 793883
 
Michael J Totten Blog - Outing the Jewish “Cabal”

Yesterday I took aim at Kalle Lasn, the editor of Adbusters magazine, for cheerleading the mayhem of World War IV.

I’m not finished with him yet.

His newest editorial is even worse than the last one. The title says it all: Why won't anyone say they are Jewish?

Let’s just pause a moment before wading into it.

It hardly matters who he means by “they” in the title. “They” are a group of people who, for whatever reason, Mr. Lasn thinks need to be “outed.” Here he is posing as the brave writer bucking the tyranny of political correctness to tell the truth that others dare not say. “They” are Jews. As if this means something important. Aha! he expects his readers to think. They’re Jews. That explains it.

“They,” by the way, are neoconservative intellectuals. Or, I should say, “they” are half the people on his list of neoconservatives. He has a tidy list of 50 people he labels as neocons. He penciled in a little dot next to all the Jewish names. At least he didn’t use a yellow star.

He admits it’s difficult to categorize neoconservatives because some of them, as he says, deny the label. Still, he doesn’t list his criteria. He just names names. Some of those on his list are not at all neoconservative. Gary Bauer? He’s a staunch religious rightist. Jonah Goldberg? He’s just a plain old conservative.

The fact that he doesn’t know a neocon from any other kind of conservative isn’t surprising. Few people do, and this vagueness is perhaps the biggest enabler of the lurid conspiracy theories out there. (If you’re unsure what neoconservatism is and if you genuinely want to know, you can read about it in the Weekly Standard from the godfather of the movement himself, Irving Kristol. The word “Jew” does not appear in his essay.)

Anyway, Mr. Lasn thinks it’s important that half the people on his list of neoconservatives are Jewish. And why does he think this is important? They “do not distinguish enough between American and Israeli interests,” he says. “For example, whose interests were they protecting in pushing for war in Iraq?”

This is one of the world’s oldest anti-Semitic slurs. For centuries Europeans suspected Jews of placing their loyalty to their ethnic “tribe” above whichever community they happened to be living in.

But let’s say, for the sake of argument, that Mr. Lasn’s loyalty charge does not have an anti-Semitic pedigree, that he’s the first person in history to make this accusation.

It’s still awfully peculiar. Anyone who bothers to trace the ancestry of my last name will learn that my family came to America from England. Yet no one has ever accused me of disloyalty to my country because I support Britain and think of the British as allies. There are two obvious reasons for that. First of all, there isn’t much of a stigma attached to having English ancestry. More important, it’s simply a fact that Britain is an ally of the United States. So it’s perfectly normal that I personally recognize Britain as an ally and care about her interests and well-being.

But it’s also simply a fact that Israel is an ally of the United States. Most Americans, and not just Jewish Americans, sympathize with Israel. There’s nothing odd or mysterious about that. Israel is a Western democracy. And Americans naturally sympathize with Israel because she is also a victim of the Islamofascist jihad. So of course neoconservatives, Jewish or otherwise, sympathize with Israel. It would be downright bizarre if they didn’t.

All this is outside the fact that regime-change in Iraq had nothing whatever to do with advancing Israel’s foreign policy. Saddam Hussein was nowhere near the top of Israel’s list of problems. The PLO, Hamas, Yasser Arafat’s Fatah, Hezbollah, the Iranian mullahcracy, and the Baathist regime in Syria are and have been far bigger problems for Israel than Iraq is or has ever been. If Israel called the shots in American foreign policy, or if our own defense team were acting out some “ethnic solidarity” adventure in the Middle East, the US would have invaded Syria, Lebanon, Iran, or the West Bank. Saddam would still be in power, and Yasser Arafat, Bashir Assad or some other tin pot jerk would be awaiting his trial instead.

Kalle Lasn isn’t left with much of an excuse for his list of Jews. He says he’s not anti-Semitic, and he very well may not be, at least not consciously. The thing is, he doesn’t need to be. Whether or not he’s the type of guy who lays awake in the middle of the night fretting about Joooooooos, or whether he’s just a left-wing hack with a kooky axe to grind, the fact remains that he’s repeating the ZOG propaganda of white supremacists. And he’s doing it in a left-wing magazine with the expectation that his readers will eat it up.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (31106)2/24/2004 1:17:19 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793883
 
I didn't believe this story when I read it either. It's getting pretty obvious they fudged it.

New Times
Post-Blair signs of change.

By Carl M. Cannon - NRO

With the weather the way it's been on the East Coast this winter — and with no pro football on TV for the first Sunday since August — January 25 was a good day to curl up with the weekend's newspapers. And so, after church, I whiled away the afternoon by the fire, to the pleasant background sounds of my eight-year-old daughter's games of make-believe.

I saved the New York Times's Sunday magazine for last, until after the kids' bedtime, partly out of deference to the disturbing-sounding nature of the cover story: "The Girls Next Door," which announced the presence of thousands of young sex slaves allegedly imported into the United States each year, and held against their will in makeshift brothels in major American cities.

While reading this lengthy article, the contrast between the horror it described and my own bucolic domestic scene induced a rising sense of guilt. But another disquieting, though unformed, thought rattled around in my head as well — something I didn't quite grasp until I handed the magazine to my wife and told her, "Read this. If it's true, it's shocking."

If it's true. That was my misgiving — indistinct, nagging doubts about the veracity of the thing. Nothing to do with Jayson Blair, or the Times's dependable liberal bias: just the old police reporter in me wondering about the sourcing. Where were the big busts? The confessions? The photographs? (The Times's pictures were taken in Mexico, not the United States.) If johns know to go to these places, why can't the cops find them? And if this outrage is so prevalent, why were only a couple of girls quoted? One of them, who said she was sold by her mother to traffickers when she was four, seemed particularly sketchy. This woman provided the obligatory anecdote about the john who recited bible verses before committing child rape. An appalling crime — or a hoary cliché. But depraved things do happen in this world, and I certainly had no reason to doubt the motives or competence of the journalist who produced the piece.

His name is Peter Landesman, a young man who first earned attention as a writer with a novel (nothing wrong with that), and whose work has appeared in The New York Times Magazine previously, and in other outlets, including The Atlantic Monthly. I've never met Landesman, but his articles are the kind that one tends to remember. At the height of the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, he interviewed a man who'd been shot and wounded by Serb killers, surviving only because another man who was shot fell on top of him. Landesman also authored a memorable piece for the New York Times about the Rwandan official who was one of the architects of that nation's genocide — a woman. And it was Landesman who wrote a frightening piece from Pakistan on a high-ranking Pakistani official who spoke casually — and wistfully — about the possibility of nuclear war with India. If anything was wrong with any of these stories, no one raised any objections. I myself have written for The Atlantic Monthly and its rigorous fact-checking process shouldn't be undertaken with a faint heart.

Yet these are cynical times we live in, times in which anyone with a computer and enough know-how to set up a weblog can give voice to his skepticisms. It turned out that a blogger named Daniel Radosh had them about Landesman's exposé, and communicated them to his audience. In the process, Radosh found a sympathetic ear in influential online media critic Jack Shafer, of Slate.

"I can't disprove the claim made in the article's subhead that sex slavers hold 'perhaps tens of thousands' of women, girls, and boys against their will in the United States, but I seriously doubt its veracity," Shafer wrote the next day. "Landesman's breathless performance, in which he asserts that 'hundreds' of 'stash houses' inhabited by foreign sex slaves dot America's metropolitan landscape, offers almost nothing in the way of verifiable facts about the incidence and prevalence of this heinous practice. Landesman's supporting evidence is vague. Where it is not vague, it is anecdotal. Where it is anecdotal, it is often anonymous, too. And where it is not anecdotal or vague it is suspicious and slippery..."

Thus did Shafer launch a first-class e-spat over the probity of a New York Times story. Before the week was out, Slate posted three more Shafer columns on the subject, as well as a rebuttal by Landesman's editor, Gerald Marzorati. In the process of this back-and-forth a few minor mistakes and one significant omission were discovered in Landesman's narrative. One of the factual errors was that one of the former sex slaves he interviewed — pictured on the cover — said she'd been taken in the late 1990s to a movie theater in an Oregon shopping mall and shown a film, Scary Movie 2, that wasn't released until 2001. Another is that the woman known in the narrative as Andrea recalled being taken to a hotel in Mexico that had not yet opened at that time. More troubling was the revelation that "Andrea," the sex slave who invoked the bible-toting child molester, has long been diagnosed with multiple personality disorder. This condition is often associated with the trauma of child rape, but also with the telling of tall tales. Landesman revealed her mental illness neither to his readers nor to his editors; it only came out in a subsequent radio interview he gave.

Of course, the broader contention is not that Times was taken in by an unreliable woman, but by its naiveté. Blogger Radosh accuses the paper of having a prudish and unsophisticated grasp of the Internet, and suggests to his followers that the paper separate all the language about child porn and fetishistic behavior from the issue of slavery. The gist of Radosh's criticism — and Shafer's — came in his initial posting:

[A]fter following this story for months, and pointing out that sex slave rings have to operate somewhat in the open to attract customers, Landesman never witnesses any slavery first-hand. Sure he "visited a number of addresses where trafficked girls and young women have reportedly ended up," but always after the alleged rings were broken up...

That's what ultimately makes this so hinky for me. If a trained investigative reporter can't get closer than one, two, or three steps removed from these alleged sex slaves, how are the johns finding them?

For his part, Landesman reacted furiously to having the veracity of his story questioned. That is understandable, especially since Radosh prefaced his blog entry by comparing Landesman to Stephen Glass. Landesman gave voice to his displeasure by threatening in a phone call and an e-mail not only to sue Radosh, but to bring about some other, unspecific mayhem (neither side will reveal exactly what was said). A phone call from Landesman was also made to Shafer's home. He was not there; no message was left.

In the old days, before the recent unpleasantness involving the fallout over the Jayson Blair affair, this might have been the end of it. It's likely that only the most Internet-savvy readers would even have even known there was a controversy. But the Times, they are a-changin'. These days such matters come to the attention of Daniel Okrent, the first-ever Times ombudsman, the man hired to restore the paper's credibility. Okrent has a contract ensuring independence, a weekly megaphone in the Sunday paper, and — most important — all the impulses of a truly "public editor" (his actual title). In other words, he likes to air things out in public. And when Okrent started nosing around in this little row, the first thing to come of it was a forced apology from Landesman. Landesman's editor, Gerald Marzorati, was also made to apologize, and wrote Shafer:

Dear Jack,
I edit reporting and writing, alas, not the behavior of reporters and writers. Peter, in a fury — and before I ever knew of Daniel Radosh's blog posting — fired off an angry e-mail and placed an angry phone call. He was clearly upset about the Glass reference — it is a kind of blood libel in the business we do — and he was clearly out of line. When I found out about it yesterday, I e-mailed an apology to Radosh, and Landesman, I believe, has apologized to him, too. If you too felt or feel threatened, that apology extends to you, sincerely...
For the reason cited by Marzorati, Radosh probably owed Landesman an apology as well. The worst Landesman may have done — and this is unproven — is to hype a grave social issue. That's a far cry from inventing characters and quotes on a serial basis, which Radosh sheepishly acknowledged while explaining to his audience that he had removed the Glass comparison from his site.

But the most important development may have been when Okrent, in his Super Bowl Sunday column, nonchalantly steered readers of the New York Times to the flap, even citing the web addresses so people could read Shafer's columns. What this meant was that readers could decide for themselves whom to believe. I would argue that if this reaction is reflective of a new attitude at the Times — that if the paper's institutional haughtiness and sense of its own omniscience are really in decline — then the entire Jayson Blair episode might have been worth it. I myself find the substance of Landesman's story credible. Even if he was a bit gullible, or the attribution could have been stronger, the horror of sexual slavery is real, and a writer ought to be applauded for trying to expose it. No less a personage in American public life than George W. Bush would agree with that assessment. It was Bush who told the United Nations last year that sex tourism involving children "has appeared in my own country and we are working hard to stop it." And no less a figure in American law enforcement than Attorney General John Ashcroft wrote the Times's Sunday magazine a long letter lauding Landesman's efforts.

A week earlier, The New York Times Magazine ran a spate of letters to the editor supportive of the paper, and expressing horror at the notion of sexual slavery. It's tempting to make sport of the co-eds from Harvard who said they stayed up all night wondering how they can take time from their studies, their eco-activism, and pro-abortion advocacy to get involved in this fight. But there's a less cynical way to respond, and that's to say God bless them for their empathic hearts. And bless the Times editors on 43rd Street, too, for taking this issue on. And bless, most especially, Daniel Okrent, for tying to keep the place honest.


nationalreview.com