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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: tekboy who wrote (124954)2/24/2004 8:17:12 AM
From: Hawkmoon  Respond to of 281500
 
Ain't that guy Ali a real beauty??

Free to criticize, without ever having to bear the burden of being responsible for providing a solution.

And obviously running interference for the Iraqi communist party, who have every interest in seeing internal strife in Iraq..

Because they know that they'd never win an economic competition to guide Iraq's transition..

Hawk



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)2/24/2004 4:49:18 PM
From: Elsewhere  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
a report from the front...

Interesting. Sounds like a Web cast might not have been that useful considering how heated and probably hectic the atmosphere was :) Kudos to Mr. Rose. Though he is no politician he faced a not-so-accommodating crowd. That's more courage than the one exhibited by most current WH officials.

Two more tidbits:

Many students said the debate strengthened their political stances.

Sounds just like FADG. I only recount a single major change of opinion :)

[Bronx Community College's Revolutionary Reconstruction Club] "We go so far as to take sides with the Iraqi people to defeat the imperialist powers," said club president Moises Delgado.

O-o.



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)3/9/2004 3:53:23 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Running Out of Oil -- and Time
___________________________

Panic will strike if we're not prepared with new technologies.

by Paul Roberts

Published on Sunday, March 6, 2004 by the Los Angeles Times

SEATTLE — The news last month that the vast Saudi oil fields are in decline is a far bigger story than most in the media, or the United States, seem to realize. We may begrudge the Saudis their 30-year stranglehold on the world economy. But even the possibility that the lords of oil have less of the stuff than advertised raises troubling questions. How long will the world's long-term oil supplies last? As important, what will the big importing nations, like the U.S., do the day world oil production hits its inevitable peak?

For more than a century, Western governments have been relentlessly upbeat about the long-term outlook for oil. Whenever pessimists claimed that supplies were running low — as they have many times — oil companies always seemed to discover huge new fields. It's now an article of faith among oil optimists, including those in the U.S. government, that global oil reserves won't run out for at least four decades, which seems like enough time to devise a whole suite of alternative energy technologies to smoothly and seamlessly replace oil.

But such oil optimism, always questionable, is now more suspect than ever. True, we won't "run out" of oil tomorrow, or even 10 years from now. But the long-term picture is grim. In the first place, it's not a matter of running out of oil but of hitting a production peak. Since 1900, world oil production — that is, the number of barrels we can pump from the ground — has risen in near-perfect step with world oil demand. Today, demand stands at about 29 billion barrels of oil a year, and so does production. By 2020, demand may well be 45 billion barrels a year, by which time, we hope, oil companies will have upped production accordingly.

At some point, however, production simply won't be able to match demand. Oil is an exhaustible resource: The more you produce, the less remains in the ground, and the harder it is to bring up that remainder. We won't be "out of oil"; a vast amount will still be flowing — just not quickly enough to satisfy demand. And as any economist can tell you, when supply falls behind demand, bad things happen.

During the 1979 Iranian revolution, the last time oil production fell off significantly, world oil prices hit the modern equivalent of $80 a barrel. And that, keep in mind, was a temporary decline. If world oil production were to truly peak and begin a permanent decline, the effect would be staggering: Prices would not come back down. Any part of the global economy dependent on cheap energy — which is to say, pretty much everything these days — would be changed forever.

And that's the good news. The term "peak" tends to suggest a nice, neat curve, with production rising slowly to a halfway point, then tapering off gradually to zero — as if, since it took a century to reach a peak, it ought to take another 100 years to reach the end. But in the real world, the landing will not be soft. As we hit the peak, soaring prices — $70, $80, even $100 a barrel — will encourage oil companies and oil states to scour the planet for oil. For a time, they will succeed, finding enough crude to keep production flat, thus stretching out the peak into a kind of plateau and perhaps temporarily easing fears. But in reality, this manic, post-peak production will deplete remaining reserves all the more quickly, thus ensuring that the eventual decline is far steeper and far more sudden. As one U.S. government geologist put it to me recently, "the edge of a plateau looks a lot like a cliff."

As production falls off this cliff, prices won't simply increase; they will fly. If our oil dependence hasn't lessened drastically by then, the global economy is likely to slip into a recession so severe that the Great Depression will look like a dress rehearsal. Oil will cease to be viable as a fuel — hardly an encouraging scenario in a world where oil currently provides 40% of all energy and nearly 90% of all transportation fuel. Political reaction would be desperate. Industrial economies, hungry for energy, would begin making it from any source available — most likely coal — regardless of the ecological consequences. Worse, competition for remaining oil supplies would intensify, potentially leading to a new kind of political conflict: the energy war.

Thus, when we peak becomes a rather pressing question. Some pessimists tell us the peak has already come, and that calamity is imminent. That's unlikely. But the optimists' forecast — that we don't peak until around 2035 — is almost as hard to believe. First, oil demand is climbing faster than optimists had hoped, mainly because China and India, the sleeping giants, are waking up to embrace a Western-style high-energy industrialism that includes tens of millions of new cars. Second, even as oil demand is rising, oil discovery rates are falling. Oil can't be produced without first being found, and the rate at which oil companies are locating new oil fields is in serious decline. The peak for world discoveries was around 1960; today, despite astonishing advances in exploration and production technology, the industry is finding just 12 billion new barrels of oil each year — less than half of what we use. This is one reason that oil prices, which had averaged $20 a barrel since the 1970s, have been hovering at $30 for nearly a year.

Oil companies, not surprisingly, are getting anxious. Despite the fact that the current high oil prices are yielding massive company profits, companies are finding it harder and harder to replace the oil they sell with newly discovered barrels. On average, for every 10 barrels an oil company sells, its exploration teams find just four new barrels — a trend that can go on only so long. Indeed, most Western oil firms now say the only way to halt this slide is to get back into the Middle East, which kicked them out during the OPEC nationalizations of the 1960s and '70s. This has, in fact, become the mantra of the oil industry: Get us back into the Middle East or be prepared for trouble. And the Bush administration seems to have taken the message to heart.

Now, of course, the Middle East is looking less and less like the Promised Land. Western analysts have long feared that the Saudis and other oil-state leaders are too corrupt, unstable and bankrupt to step up their oil production fast enough to meet surging world demand. Last week's revelations, in which some Saudis themselves expressed doubt over future production increases, have only heightened such concerns.

Put another way, we may not be able to pinpoint exactly when a peak is coming, but recent events suggest that it will be sooner than the optimists have been telling us — perhaps by 2020, or even 2015 if Asian demand picks up as fast as some analysts now expect. What this means is that we can no longer sit back and hope that an alternative to oil will come along in time. Such complacency all but ensures that, when the peak does arrive, our response will be defensive, costly and hugely disruptive. Instead, we must begin now, with every tool at our disposal, to find ways to get "beyond petroleum" if we are to have any hope of controlling the shift from oil to whatever comes next.

____________________________________

Paul Roberts writes about the energy industry for Harper's Magazine and other national publications. His new book, "The End of Oil: On the Edge of a Perilous New World," will be published in May.

commondreams.org



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)3/14/2004 10:50:22 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
A World Consensus is Emerging on the Destructive Effects of Globalization - but the Bush Administration is Out of Line

by Joseph Stiglitz

Published on Friday, March 12, 2004 by the Guardian/UK
Distant Voices


The war on terrorism and in Iraq has distracted much of the world's attention from the pressing issue of how globalization should be managed so that it benefits everyone. A new report, issued by the International Labor Organization's commission on the social dimensions of globalization, reminds us how far the Bush administration is out of line with the global consensus. The ILO is a tripartite Organization's with representatives of Labor, government and business. The commission, chaired by the presidents of Finland and Tanzania, has 24 members (of whom I was one) drawn from different nationalities, interest groups and intellectual persuasions, including members as diverse as the head of Toshiba and the leader of the American Federation of Labor Congress of Industrial Organizations. Yet this very heterogeneous group was able to crystallize the emerging consensus, that globalization - despite its positive potential - has not only failed to live up to that potential, but has actually contributed to social distress.

The fault lies with how globalization has been managed - partly by countries but, most importantly, by the international community, including institutions such as the World Bank, the World Trade Organization's and the IMF, which are responsible for establishing the "rules of the game". The commission even reached consensus on a number of concrete measures to help put a "human face" on globalization, or at least mitigate some of its worst effects.

The gap between the emerging consensus on globalization, which this report reflects, and the Bush administration's international economic policies, helps explain the widespread hostility towards America's government.

Consider two issues that have been part of recent bilateral trade agreements pushed aggressively by the Bush administration. The crises in east Asia and the recent recessions in Latin America show that premature capital market liberalization can result in economic volatility, increasing poverty, and destruction of the middle class. Even the IMF now recognizes that capital market liberalization has delivered neither growth nor stability to many developing countries. Yet, whether driven by narrow ideology or responding to the demands of special interests, the Bush administration is still demanding an extreme form of such liberalization in its bilateral trade agreements.

The second issue concerns the unbalanced intellectual property provisions (Trips) of the Uruguay round of trade talks, dictated by America's pharmaceutical and entertainment industries. These provisions restricted countries from making generic imitations of drugs, making many critically important medicines unaffordable in developing countries.

Spearheaded by worries about Aids, activists demanded that something be done. Just before last year's trade talks in Mexico, the US made some concessions so that it was no longer the only hold-out. In its bilateral trade agreements, however, it is demanding what is becoming known as "Trips-plus", which would strengthen intellectual property rights further, to ensure that countries only have the right to produce inexpensive generic drugs during epidemics and other emergencies.

The global consensus, reflected in the commission report, calls for more exceptions so that, say, drugs can be made available in any case where to do so could save a life. To those confronting the prospect of death, what matters is access to life-saving drugs, not whether what is killing the person is part of an epidemic.

Bilateral agreements form the basis of enhanced ties of friendship between countries. But America's intransigence in this area is sparking protests in countries, such as Morocco, which face the threat of such an agreement; it is also forming the basis of long-lasting resentment.

The commission highlights other issues that have received insufficient global attention - such as tax competition among developing countries, which shifts more of the tax burden from business to workers. In still other areas, the commission's report argues for more balanced perspectives. On exchange rates, for example, it is more sympathetic towards mixed systems, in contrast to the traditional belief that countries must choose between the extremes of a flexible system and a fixed exchange rate (of the kind that contributed so importantly to Argentina's woes).

As this example shows, having different voices at the table in discussions of globalization brings new perspectives. Until now, the main worry for most experts on globalization has been excessive government intervention in the economy. The commission fears just the opposite. It argues that the state has a role to play in cushioning individuals and society from the impact of rapid economic change.

The way that globalization has been managed, however, has eroded the ability of the state to play its proper role. At the root of this problem is the global political system - if such it can be called. Key players such as the IMF and World Bank must become more transparent and their voting structures must be changed to reflect the current distribution of economic power - as opposed to that prevailing in 1945 - let alone the need to reflect basic democratic principles.

Whatever one thinks of the commission's many concrete suggestions, this much is clear: we need a more inclusive debate about globalization, one in which more voices are heard, and in which there is a greater focus on the social dimensions of globalization This is a message the world would do well to heed, lest discontent with globalization continues to grow.

· Joseph Stiglitz, professor of economics at Columbia University, is a Nobel prize winner and author of Globalization and Its Discontents'

© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004

commondreams.org



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)3/17/2004 9:40:01 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Spaniards send US a message by voting out Aznar's party

gulfnews.com

By Youssef M. Ibrahim
Columnist
Gulf News
16-03-2004

The stunning defeat of conservative Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar's party on Sunday, despite the fact that they were leading in the polls only days before the terrorist attack on a Spanish train that killed 200 innocent people and injured nearly 1500 others, has made it plain to what degree Spaniards, like much of the rest of the world, flatly renounce American foreign policy doctrines of pre-emptive attacks, occupation and regime changes.

The Bush administration would be blind, not to mention suicidal, to ignore the message. The United States presidential elections are only months away. Indications are that the American public feels Bush's policies are not making the world, or America, any safer.

What Spanish voters were saying is that far from fighting terror, the US policies of going it alone, ignoring the United Nations, disregarding much of the world's opposition - 90 per cent of Spanish citizens opposed Spain's participation in the occupation of Iraq - have a political price tag attached.

These policies, if anything, have promoted more terror. The evidence was plain in Spain. In fact, looking around the world, the policies of the Bush administration have increased the threat of terror and encouraged more terrorist organisations to come together to fight the US.

Osama bin Laden's Al Qaida, most experts agree, has now morphed from a Muslim extremist organisation to a sort of a club for anyone who hates America. Terrorists who are not necessarily Muslim extremists are joining the fight against the Americans in Iraq, and now in Europe against governments that supported the US.

It is entirely possible, as Spanish investigators are suggesting, that the Basque terrorists of ETA joined hands with Al Qaida to mount the bloody attack on innocent civilians in Madrid. If not so, this is probably the work of Al Qaida, as ETA has no record of such horrific terror. Either ways, it is a criminal act clearly motivated by a desire to attack America and its friends.

It has been a year since the Bush administration launched its war against Iraq and occupied that country. The official pretext was to dampen terrorism, look for weapons of mass destruction and, of course, establish democracy. These pretexts have now widely and definitively been discredited around the world.

Only a few fanatics among the neo-conservatives in Washington D.C, such as Richard Perle and his ilk, still repeat such nonsense. The fact remains that most countries, especially in the European Union and Arab and Muslim world, opposed the war.

What is more distressing is that the Bush administration has provoked more terrorism around the world today than ever in the past two decades.

In Israel, ever since Prime Minister Ariel Sharon equated his policies of repressing the Palestinians with Bush's phony "fighting terror" tactics, more Israeli civilians have died than in the past 20 years. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians are homeless as their dwellings are bulldozed or bombed, creating fertile ground for the recruitment of more militants.

In America, every other week brings a warning of a possible attack and more security measures that have made life pure hell for travellers at airports, train stations and on highways. In Europe and Asia, terror attacks have not stopped and are on the rise.

More important, in Iraq itself, acts of terror have become a daily routine. Over 550 American soldiers have died since the March invasion and more than 1400 have been maimed for life; allegedly at least 50,000 Iraqi innocent civilians have been killed. And there is no end in sight.

To be sure, no sane person can oppose the removal from power of Saddam Hussain and his criminal sons and gangs of thugs. That was a very good thing. But it is a fact that before the invasion, the Iraqi tyrant was boxed and so were his thugs.

Now, daily life for Iraqis carries the threat of death, theft, rape and abduction. America has not delivered on its promise of prosperity, liberty and happiness for Iraqis. If anything, the Bush crowd is looking for a quick exit before the presidential election season begins in the next month - Iraqis be damned.

Above all, the vote on Sunday in Spain was a signal for the way things are going to go for British Prime Minister Tony Blair and the other loyal ally of Bush, the Italian premier Silvio Berlussconi.

The only two remaining European leaders who claim to support Bush's Iraq policies. But even they can no longer ignore the fact that poll after poll shows the US and its policies being rejected around the world, from Europe, to Asia to the Gulf region.

For a president who pretends to be a fervent advocate of democracy, to a point of wanting to impose it on the Arab and Muslim world, how, one must ask a year later, did Bush miss out so badly in Iraq?

____________________________________

Youssef M. Ibrahim , a former Middle East correspondent for the New York Times and Energy Editor of the Wall Street Journal, is Managing Director of the Dubai-based Strategic Energy Investment Group, a consulting firm specialising in assessing political risk in the Gulf, Middle and Near East region. He can be contacted at ymibrahim@gulfnews.com



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)3/23/2004 11:14:33 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
The Canary in the Coalmine
___________________________

by Robert O. Boorstin

March 23, 2004

americanprogress.org

In his new book, "Against All Enemies," Dick Clarke – the former national coordinator for security, infrastructure protection and counterterrorism - gives the straight story about what was going on in the Bush White House before and after Sept. 11, 2001. It is not a pretty picture.

Clarke takes us inside a White House that was deaf to the threat posed by al Qaeda, a White House that took eight months to schedule a principals meeting to address the problem – the meetings where the president and the Cabinet make the most important decisions about national security.

Clarke gives us a look into a White House and an administration populated by officials who were blinded by an obsession with Iraq. He offers us a glimpse into the Situation Room, where President Bush repeatedly asked Clarke and his staff to look for proof that Saddam Hussein had taken down the World Trade Center immediately after the attacks.

And he takes us into a White House where officials who dissented from the official line chose to be mute rather than protest when they thought things were moving down the wrong track.

Clarke's conclusion is tough, direct and on point: the Bush administration "failed to act prior to September 11 on the threat from al Qaeda despite repeated warnings." It launched "an unnecessary and costly war in Iraq that strengthened the fundamentalist, radical Islamic terrorist movement worldwide."

This is strong stuff at any time. But this is particularly damning at a time when Karl Rove and his money machine are engaged in an all-out offensive to convince the American people that we can rest easy at night with George W. Bush in the White House.

Already the attacks have begun and the administration's shills are hard at work. They are casting aspersions on his motives; dissecting Clarke's observations about the facial expressions of Condoleezza Rice; making creative excuses for their lack of follow-through and reductions in counter-terrorism funding; and calling him a partisan. Underneath their orchestrated rebuttals lies a chilling assertion – that legitimate criticism of the administration's approach to terrorism is unwarranted and will not be tolerated.

Of course, the most predictable spin by the right wing on Clarke's actions is that he is part of a vast Democratic conspiracy. They point out that Clarke is teaching a course at Harvard with Rand Beers, his colleague of more than two decades and the man who now heads the national security policy shop for presumptive Democratic nominee John Kerry. Naturally, they neglect to mention that Clarke was a registered Republican at the time of the 2000 election.

These attacks should come as no surprise.

After all, this is the White House that – in one of the most serious breaches of national security on record – exposed a CIA agent whose husband dared to challenge the president's version of the truth. A grand jury investigation is ongoing.

This is the administration that threatened to prosecute former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill for exposing documents he used in his recently released memoir, "The Price of Loyalty" - unclassified documents that the Treasury Department released to him. Meanwhile, there has been no investigation into the president's decision to openly discuss highly classified national security meetings and directives with Bob Woodward for his largely favorable book, "Bush at War."

And this is the administration that summarily fired economics adviser Larry Lindsay when he estimated that the war in Iraq could cost up to $200 billion. Well, we're at $170 billion and counting and Iraq is far from stable or secure.

Full disclosure. I worked with Clarke in the White House in 1994-1995, when I was national security speechwriter for President Clinton. Clarke is not a quiet man and he has ruffled his share of feathers. He can be rightly accused of stubbornness and a no-nonsense approach when it comes to pursuing his missions – tracking down al Qaeda, preventing an attack on our nation's computer systems, or making sure our nation's emergency response systems are the best they can be.

But Clarke is, above all, a patriot. He has spent more than 30 years of his life working to protect the people of the United States. He was hired by Ronald Reagan and worked for four presidents – three Republicans and one Democrat. Dick worked for governments, not political parties. And for years he was the canary in the coal mine, warning about the grave threat posed by al Qaeda.

Bush's top officials, it turns out, were not willing to listen. Perhaps it was because Clarke, like CIA director George Tenet, was a holdover from the Clinton administration. And the Bush administration national security doctrine on taking office was rooted in the fundamental premise that everything Clinton did was wrong. Perhaps it was because although Clarke criticized the Clinton administration, he was even more critical of George W. Bush's tenure.

The efforts to defame Clarke for telling the truth are ultimately both pathetic and damaging. Pathetic because attacking people's character is the only route left for a White House that has been marked by delusion and deception. Damaging because the White House has no good response to the bottom line: the American people today are less safe than we otherwise might have been.

Only history will judge the wisdom of the Bush administration's failures in its first nine months in office to deal with al Qaeda and its obsession with Iraq to the exclusion of other, more important threats. But Dick Clarke has given us the first draft of that history – and it's a scary read.
__________________________

Robert O. Boorstin is the senior vice president for national security at the Center for American Progress.



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)3/26/2004 5:12:02 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Trust Clarke: He's right about Bush
____________________________________

More than two years after the worst terrorist attack in history, the President still does not understand the threat we confront, say security experts IVO DAALDER and JAMES LINDSAY

By IVO DAALDER and JAMES LINDSAY

UPDATED AT 5:06 AM EST Friday, Mar. 26, 2004

theglobeandmail.com

This, by any measure, was Richard Clarke's week. The former counterterrorism czar roiled Washington and the nation with his accusation that U.S. President George W. Bush had failed to understand the threat al-Qaeda posed to the United States before Sept. 11, and bungled the U.S. response afterward. It was a stinging indictment of the Bush presidency, delivered with stiletto precision. And the impassioned response from White House showed that it hurt.

Mr. Clarke categorically denounced Mr. Bush's handling of the terrorist threat. He blamed the President for "continuing to work on Cold War issues" even as the al-Qaeda danger mounted. He says that National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice ignored his memo in January, 2001, "asking for, urgently -- underlined urgently -- a cabinet-level meeting to deal with the impending al-Qaeda attack."

Mr. Clarke criticized Mr. Bush's response to 9/11 as well. He painted the President as convinced from the start that Iraq was responsible. In a damning indictment from a man who spent more than a decade working the counterterrorism beat, he concluded that everything Mr. Bush has "done after 9/11 has made us less safe."

Here, we should put our affiliations on the table. Mr. Clarke was our boss when we served on the Clinton administration's National Security Council staff. We know him as a committed public servant, dedicated -- almost to the point of obsession -- to confronting terrorism. We don't doubt his rendition of events. They come from a man who has warned of impending doom --and argued for forceful preventive action -- for many years.

Our testimonial, of course, will not convince Bush partisans, let alone administration officials. They portray Mr. Clarke as an out-of-the loop bureaucrat with an axe to grind, a book to peddle and a close friendship with Rand Beers, Senator John Kerry's chief foreign-policy adviser.

That sour-grapes argument leaves unmentioned the fact that on Sept. 11, Ms. Rice asked Mr. Clarke to direct emergency-response efforts from the White House. It also glosses over the fact that Mr. Clarke was an ally of Vice-President Dick Cheney and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz during the 1991 Persian Gulf war, and favoured their call to march on Baghdad. Also left unmentioned is that Mr. Beers is himself a veteran of many administrations, and resigned his post as the senior counterterrorism official on the NSC staff in 2003 to protest what he saw as Mr. Bush's mishandling of the terrorist threat.

The vehemence with which administration officials have attacked Mr. Clarke's motives brings to mind the old lawyer's joke: When the facts are with you, pound the facts. When the facts are against you, pound the table.

Why are administration officials pounding the table so hard? Because confirmation of Mr. Clarke's basic accusations comes from none other than George W. Bush himself.

Take the charge that the Mr. Bush did not make fighting al-Qaeda a priority before Sept. 11. In late 2001, Mr. Bush told the journalist Bob Woodward that "there was a significant difference in my attitude after Sept. 11. I was not on point." Mr. Bush knew Osama bin Laden was a menace. "But I didn't feel the sense of urgency, and my blood was not nearly as boiling."

Or take Mr. Clarke's charge that Mr. Bush immediately sought to link the attacks in New York and Washington to Iraq. According to the notes of national-security meetings that the White House gave Mr. Woodward so he could write his book, Bush at War, the President ended an early debate over how to respond to Sept. 11 by saying, "I believe Iraq was involved, but I'm not going to strike them now." At a later meeting, he linked Saddam Hussein to the attacks: "He was probably behind this in the end."

Those admissions highlight a broader, more troubling point that Mr. Clarke's accusations raise, which is that Mr. Bush does not understand the threat we confront. For Mr. Bush and his advisers it is not al-Qaeda that is the real danger so much as the states that supposedly support it. Thus, a Defence Department spokesman, responding to Mr. Clarke's claim that Mr. Wolfowitz did not take the al-Qaeda terrorist threat seriously, said Mr. Wolfowitz did see al-Qaeda "as a major threat to U.S. security, the more so because of the state support it received from the Taliban and because of its possible links to Iraq."

The assumption driving Mr. Bush's war on terrorism is that the United States can win by targeting rogue states and the tyrants who rule them. The war in Afghanistan was about ousting the Taliban and denying al-Qaeda a sanctuary; the Iraq war was about ousting Saddam.

That view of the terrorist threat is deeply flawed, quite apart from the dubious claims about ties between al-Qaeda and Iraq. Al-Qaeda is a transnational network of terrorists, less like a state than like a non-governmental organization or multinational corporation with multiple independent franchises. It thrives on an Islamist ideology, and extends its presence to the far reaches of the globe -- not just in rogue and failed states, but within the West as well. Its terrorists can strike -- whether in Bali, Casablanca, Riyadh, Istanbul, Madrid or New York and Washington -- without the direct support of states. That is what makes it so frightening.

Mr. Clarke's charges have stung the Bush administration not just because of the stature of the accuser, but because at their core, they say that more than two years after the worst terrorist attack in history, the President and his advisers still don't get what happened.

That is the true, and alarming, message of this week's debate.
_____________________

Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay are co-authors of America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy, which won the 2003 Lionel Gelber Prize for the best book on international relations.



To: tekboy who wrote (124954)4/2/2004 1:28:52 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
An interesting conference hosted sponsored by The Coalition For A Realistic Foreign Policy...Notice who the keynote speaker is...;-)

realisticforeignpolicy.org

Monday, April 19 - A half-day conference co-hosted with Current History to be held on on the campus of Swarthmore College in Swarthmore, Pennsylvania. (Details)

Monday, April 19, 2004, 1:00 pm - 5:00 pm

Science Center, Auditorium 101

Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

Co-sponsored with Current History

In recent months, scholars and policymakers have debated the perils and promise of an American Empire. Some argue that the United States has always been an empire, and that we are only now coming to terms with our imperial status. Others argue that the Founders opposed empire on moral and practical grounds, and that empire runs contrary to deeply held American traditions and values. How do we characterize the conduct of U.S. foreign policy in the 21st century? If the United States is not an empire, what is it? If we cannot call our foreign policies “imperial,” what are they? Speakers will consider these and other questions at this half-day conference.

1:00 pm Welcome and Introduction of Keynote Speaker

Conference Co-Chairs, Christopher Preble, Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy, and Bill Finan, Editor, Current History

Keynote Address "The American Imperium"

John Mearsheimer, R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago

2:00 pm - Panel I - International Reactions to American Empire: Balancing, Balking, Bandwagoning, and Bashing

Seyom Brown, Lawrence A. Wien Professor of International Cooperation, Brandeis University

Leon Hadar, Research Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies, The Cato Institute

Bruce Cumings, Norman and Edna Freehling Professor of History, The University of Chicago

Rajan Menon, Monroe J. Rathbone Professor of International Relations, Lehigh University

James Kurth, Claude Smith Professor of Political Science, Swarthmore College, Moderator

The international community has responded, and is likely to respond in the future, in a variety of different ways to the spread of the American Empire. The responses move beyond traditional balance-of-power action and reaction, whereby would be rivals form alliances to check American power. The panelists will discuss how America’s global behavior is responsible for new forms of international cooperation and the formation of ad hoc coalitions, not always easily recognizable by policymakers and analysts.

3:30 pm - Panel II - The American Empire in Context: Past, Present and Future

Stanley Kober, Research Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies, The Cato Institute

David Isenberg, Senior Analyst, British American Security Information Council

John Peterson, President, The Arlington Institute

David C. Hendrickson, Professor of Political Science, Colorado College

Christopher A. Preble, Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy, Moderator

The Bush administration’s National Security Strategy pledges to “make the world not just safer, but better,” but if we attempt to impose our values by force, do we compromise our long-standing tradition of not going abroad in search of monsters to destroy? The panelists will compare American policies with those of empires past, will consider the details of the U.S. troop presence throughout the globe, and will propose a new view of American Empire from the perspective of future generations.

5:00 pm Concluding Remarks

Christopher Preble and Bill Finan, Conference Co-Chairs

The conference is free of charge. Registration is not required. If you would like to learn more about Current History and its special issue on the American Imperium (November 2003), visit www.currenthistory.com.

Contacts:

Christopher Preble, 202/218-4630, cpreble@realisticforeignpolicy.org

Bill Finan, 215/482-5465, bfinan@currenthistory.com

James Kurth, 610/328-8102