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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: sylvester80 who wrote (38666)3/2/2004 3:08:02 PM
From: lurqer  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
I suspect that Cheney "feels closer" to people like Guy Philippe, Chamblain and Baby Doc. Besides, Aristide disbanded the military. For Cheney that alone deserves a death sentence.

Rebel Leader Declares Himself Haiti Military Chief

Rebel leader Guy Philippe on Tuesday declared himself the new chief of Haiti's military, which had been disbanded by ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Flanked by other rebel leaders and senior officers of Haiti's police force, Philippe told a news conference: "I am the chief." Asked what he meant, he said, "the military chief."

"I am not interested in politics," he said. "The president is the legal president, so we follow his orders."

Philippe also said the rebel forces that participated in the uprising that sent Aristide into African exile would disarm.

Haiti's Supreme Court Chief Justice Boniface Alexandre was installed as interim leader Sunday, just hours after Aristide fled under pressure from the United States and France. Alexandre has kept a low profile since.

Exiled Haitian dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, meanwhile, said he wanted to return to his homeland.

"This is my country," Duvalier told Miami's WFOR-CBS4 television in an interview in Paris. "I'm ready to put myself at the disposal of the Haitian people."

But Duvalier said he doesn't plan to run for president.

"That is not on my agenda," he said through a translator.

The deposed dictator said he requested a diplomatic passport several weeks ago and is in constant contact with people in Haiti.

"I think I'm getting close and that I will soon have the opportunity to go back to my country," he said.

Duvalier had been named president for life at age 18 after the death in 1971 of his father, Francois, known as "Papa Doc." Tens of thousands were killed during the 29-year Duvalier dynasty and hundreds of millions of dollars stolen.

Accused of human rights violations and stealing at least $120 million from the national treasury, Duvalier fled to France in 1986.

Philippe, a former provincial police chief during Aristide's tenure, has said he wants to reconstitute the army that ousted Aristide in 1991. Aristide disbanded the military in 1995, a year after he was returned to power by 20,000 U.S. troops.

Human Rights Watch has said Philippe has a "dubious human rights record," pointing to executions of gang members committed by a deputy while he was police chief of Port-au-Prince's Delmas section.

Aristide, currently in the Central African Republic, told The Associated Press in a telephone interview Monday that he was "forced to leave" Haiti by U.S. military forces. He added that they would "start shooting and be killing" if he refused, but it was unclear if he was referring to rebels or U.S. agents.

American officials dismissed Aristide's claim. Secretary of State Colin Powell called the allegations "absolutely baseless, absurd." U.S. officials acknowledged privately, however, that Aristide was told that if he remained in Haiti, U.S. forces would not protect him from the rebels who wanted to arrest him and put him on trial for corruption and murder.

In the Central African Republic, Aristide is being guarded by French soldiers, France's defense minister said Tuesday.

"It is simply so his transitional stay in the Central African Republic unwinds in normal conditions," Defense Minister Michele Alliot-Marie said.

France does not intend to control his "comings and goings," Alliot-Marie said.

Aristide and the president of the Central African Republic, Francois Bozize, were expected to discuss Aristide's final asylum plans in an unknown third country later Tuesday, Communications Minister Parfait Mbaye said.

U.S. plans for a quiet, orderly transition in Haiti appeared threatened, despite the arrival of hundreds of American, French and Canadian soldiers as an interim peacekeeping force. U.S. Marines and French troops have secured key sites around the capital, Port-au-Prince.

At least 100 people have died in the uprising that erupted Feb. 5.

Meanwhile, the prospect of peacekeepers -- the other arm of U.S. strategy -- appeared reduced to a minimal expression, with Marine Col. Dave Berger saying that his 200 forces from the 8th Battalion, based in Camp Lejeune, N.C., would not disarm rebels or the pro-Aristide militants and they would not police the city.

The civilian opposition also raised concerns about an orderly transition when some of its leaders showed a near adoration for the rebels and contempt for an international transition plan.

The only encouraging sign was the relief among people in the capital.

Callers flooded talk radio programs with appeals for rebel help in neighborhoods still dominated by pro-Aristide gangs that terrorized the city.

Scattered looting continued, police cleared the city of barricades, but gunfire continued crackling in some neighborhoods and bound, executed bodies were found in the streets.

In the capital, there were reports of reprisal killings of Aristide supporters accused of terrorizing people during his rule. An Associated Press reporter saw four bodies at Carrefour on the outskirts of the capital -- three of them with hands tied and bullet wounds in the head.

Powell said he did not want some rebel leaders to take any role in a new government.

"Some of these individuals we would not want to see re-enter civil society in Haiti because of their past records, and this is something we will have to work through," Powell said.

Amnesty International called Monday for international peacekeepers to arrest rebel leaders Louis-Jodel Chamblain, a former death squad leader convicted of murders while in exile, and Jean Pierre Baptiste, also known as Jean Tatoune, who escaped from jail after being sentenced to two life sentences for the 1994 massacre of 15 Aristide supporters.

Chamblain said the rebels planned patrols Tuesday, possibly to the Cite Soleil seaside slum that is a stronghold of die-hard Aristide followers.

Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld estimated that between 1,500 and 2,000 U.S. troops would go to Haiti for a "relatively short period." They would participate in an interim force, which could include as many as 5,000 troops from several countries, that would stay until replaced by U.N. peacekeepers.

Chile said it was sending 120 special forces to Haiti on Wednesday, the first part of a contingent of 300 Chileans to join the international security force.

There were no clashes between the rebels and the American and French troops, who were establishing security at diplomatic missions and other sites.

Aristide's home in suburban Tabarre, meanwhile, was looted and trashed, but he continued to cast a long shadow over Haiti.

Aristide abruptly left Haiti early Sunday and was flown aboard a contracted U.S.-government plane to the impoverished Central African Republic.

With rebels closing in on the capital, Aristide may have felt his life was in danger. After he left, thousands converged on the plaza outside the National Palace, shouting "Liberty!" and "Aristide is gone!" as a 70-man rebel convoy arrived from the western town of Gonaives, where the rebellion erupted.

Civilian opposition leaders met with rebels for hours at a Port-au-Prince hotel Monday. The opposition, angered by poverty, corruption and crime, pushed for Aristide to leave for the good of Haiti's 8 million people -- but had distanced themselves from the rebels.

washingtonpost.com

JMO

lurqer



To: sylvester80 who wrote (38666)3/2/2004 3:50:22 PM
From: lurqer  Respond to of 89467
 
It was interesting to watch Jeffery Sachs on Charlie Rose. They were discussing Haiti, and finally Charlie said, "You're questioning the integrity of Powell". Sachs' reply was he was questioning whether Powell was telling the truth. You could hear in the background Charlie say, "That's even worse". Sachs continued, "A year ago when Powell was saying there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, I was saying there wasn't. Well, there weren't any there. He wasn't telling the truth then, and he isn't now". Charlie couldn't believe his ears. More from Sachs

The Fire This Time in Haiti was US-Fueled

The Bush Administration Appears to have Succeeded in its Long-Time Goal of Toppling Aristide
Through Years of Blocking International Aid to his Impoverished Nation


by Jeffrey Sachs

Haiti, once again, is ablaze. President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is widely blamed, and he may be toppled soon. Almost nobody, however, understands that today's chaos was made in Washington -- deliberately, cynically and steadfastly. History will bear this out. In the meantime, political, social, and economic chaos will deepen, and Haiti's impoverished people will suffer.

The Bush administration has been pursuing policies likely to topple Aristide since 2001. The hatred began when Aristide, then a parish priest and democracy campaigner against Haiti's ruthless Duvalier dictatorship, preached liberation theology in the 1980s. Aristide's attacks led US conservatives to brand him as the next Fidel Castro.?

They floated stories that Aristide was mentally deranged. Conservative disdain multiplied several-fold when then-president Bill Clinton took up Aristide's cause after he was blocked from electoral victory in 1991 by a military coup. Clinton put Aristide into power in 1994, and conservatives mocked Clinton for wasting America's efforts on "nation building" in Haiti. This is the same right wing that has squandered US$160 billion on a far more violent and dubious effort at "nation building" in Iraq.?

Attacks on Aristide began as soon as the Bush administration assumed office. I visited Aristide in Port-au-Prince in early 2001. He impressed me as intelligent and intent on good relations with Haiti's private sector and the US. No firebrand, he sought advice on how to reform his economy and explained his realistic and prescient concerns that the American right would try to wreck his presidency.

Haiti was clearly in a desperate condition: the most impoverished country in the Western Hemisphere, with a standard of living comparable to sub-Saharan Africa despite being only a few hours by air from Miami. Life expectancy was 52 years. Children were chronically hungry.

Of every 1,000 children born, more than 100 died before their fifth birthday. An AIDS epidemic, the worst in the Caribbean, was running unchecked. The health system had collapsed. Fearing unrest, tourists and foreign investors were staying away, so there were no jobs to be had.

But Aristide was enormously popular in early 2001. Hopes were high that he would deliver progress against the extraordinary poverty. Together with Dr. Paul Farmer, the legendary AIDS doctor in Haiti, I visited villages in Haiti's Central Plateau, asking people about their views of politics and Aristide.? Everybody referred to the president affectionately as "Titid." Here, clearly, was an elected leader with the backing of Haiti's poor, who constituted the bulk of the population.

When I returned to Washington, I spoke to senior officials in the IMF, World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, and Organization of American States. I expected to hear that these international organizations would be rushing to help Haiti.

Instead, I was shocked to learn that they would all be suspending aid, under vague "instructions" from the US. Washington, it seemed, was unwilling to release aid to Haiti because of irregularities in the 2000 legislative elections, and was insisting that Aristide make peace with the political opposition before releasing any aid.

The US position was a travesty. Aristide had been elected president in an indisputable landslide. He was, without doubt, the popularly elected leader of the country -- a claim that President George W. Bush cannot make about himself.

Nor were the results of the legislative elections in 2000 in doubt: Aristide's party had also won in a landslide.? It was claimed that Aristide's party had stolen a few seats. If true -- and the allegation remains unproved -- it would be nothing different from what has occurred in dozens of countries around the world receiving support from the IMF, World Bank, and the US itself. By any standard, Haiti's elections had marked a step forward in democracy, compared to the decades of military dictatorships that America had backed, not to mention long periods of direct US military occupation.

The more one sniffed around Washington the less America's position made sense. People in positions of responsibility in international agencies simply shrugged and mumbled that they couldn't do more to help Haiti in view of the Bush veto on aid. Moreover, by saying that aid would be frozen until Aristide and the political opposition reached an agreement, the Bush administration provided Haiti's un-elected opposition with an open-ended veto. Aristide's foes merely had to refuse to bargain in order to plunge Haiti into chaos.?

That chaos has now come. It is sad to hear rampaging students on BBC and CNN saying that Aristide "lied" because he didn't improve the country's social conditions. Yes, Haiti's economic collapse is fueling rioting and deaths, but the lies were not Aristide's. The lies came from Washington.

Even now, Aristide says that he will share power with the opposition, but the opposition says no. Aristide's opponents know that US right-wingers will stand with them to bring them violently to power. As long as that remains true, Haiti's agony will continue.

commondreams.org

lurqer