Canadians' faith in U.N. remains unshaken
HAROON SIDDIQUI
When he was urging the United Nations to rubber-stamp his pre-planned invasion of Iraq, George W. Bush said the world body risked becoming "irrelevant" if it didn't comply.
But by refusing to be intimidated, the U.N. not only enhanced its moral authority as the conscience of a world galvanized against that war. It also became more relevant than at any time in recent memory.
Since then, the American occupation of Iraq has suffered from a lack of the "unique legitimacy" that only the U.N. could have conferred, as Secretary-General Kofi Annan had said calmly, confidently and courageously in the middle of that diplomatic crisis.
Now that the U.S. has, finally, returned to the U.N. seeking help in fixing the mess in Iraq, Annan has, of course, resisted the temptation to say, "We told you so." And he is diligently trying to reconcile the American vision with the Iraqi demand for democratic self-rule.
Annan is coming to Canada tomorrow, the first foreign visitor to be hosted by the Paul Martin government. The invitation reflects Canada's long-standing support of the U.N., exemplified by our refusal to join the Iraq war, precisely because the Security Council did not approve it.
The U.N. does have its critics in Canada: those business people who want the White House worshipped to serve our economic interests, even at the expense of our political and cultural sovereignty; supporters of Israel who routinely excoriate the U.N. because it is an effective platform for Israel's critics; and right-wing ideologues like author David Frum, whose calls for even more unilateral American militarism are scary.
All are entitled to their views, of course. But they have failed to shake the solid faith of Canadians in the United Nations.
Martin can read the polls. Plus, he does want to strengthen the world's multilateralist order, even while trying to improve relations with Washington.
His commitment — military now, civilian later — to help Haiti is laudable. Canada played a major role in reinstating Jean-Bertrand Aristide to office in 1994.
As ironic as it is to be asked to help clean up the aftermath of American and French collusion in toppling the elected leader, it is the right course, according to David Malone, former Canadian ambassador to the U.N. and now president of the International Peace Academy in New York.
In Iraq, the stakes are higher and the choices tougher, and they will be more so should Bush be re-elected.
While Bush has asked the U.N. to help, there ought to be no illusions over what he's after.
He wants to be able to claim, well ahead of the November vote, that he has transferred sovereignty to the Iraqis, as promised. But Iraqis have caught on that this is their chance to hold the president's feet to the fire and make the transfer more than just a show.
That's what Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani's demands for elections and a representative government are all about. In the long run, he wants Iraqis, not Americans, to decide how many American troops, if any, would be stationed in Iraq and which American corporations, if any, would exploit oil and other resources.
Annan brings his and the U.N.'s credibility to the process. Bush knows that well. He wants a U.N. sheen on the U.S. agenda. Annan wants to usher in genuine democracy. He will be doing a lot of diplomatic dancing.
Canada's contribution, far more than troops or dollars, has got to be to stand on the side of Annan, and the Iraqis.
There can be no more honourable calling at this historic moment than to play our honest broker's role, this time between the U.S. and the U.N.
This need not be provocative or confrontationist. Martin can use his credibility judiciously, but firmly, behind closed doors.
Annan knows the reality of the unipolar world. Following the dust-up over Iraq, he set up an eminent persons' group to suggest ways to tackle such crises. Martin can be the conduit for future compromises.
The Prime Minister is already engaged on several fronts close to the U.N.'s heart: debt relief for the Third World, micro-credit for the world's poor, aid for AIDS prevention in Africa and allowing Canadian generic drug companies to produce and sell cheaper AIDS drugs.
Annan may look to Martin for leadership on another initiative in Africa: waiving school fees for primary education. The World Bank has promised the needed loans. Martin's contacts and clout among the so-called G-20 nations can make it a reality.
It so happens that the United Nations is benefiting from more Canadian talent in its top echelons than ever before.
Besides Louise Arbour, named high commissioner for human rights last week, the U.N. has Louise Frechette, deputy secretary-general in Annan's office; Stephen Lewis, U.N. special envoy for AIDS/HIV; Lloyd Axworthy, special envoy on the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict; Maurice Strong, adviser on special projects; and Philippe Kirsch, senior administrator at the International Criminal Court.
The U.N. is not perfect. Its record in Rwanda and the Balkans was shameful. Annan himself showed poor judgment in 1998 in praising Saddam Hussein and declaring: "He's a man I can do business with."
But more than anyone else, Annan has been — as per the citation of the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize awarded him and the U.N. — "pre-eminent in bringing new life to the organization."
He has also stood up for the U.N.'s most basic philosophy.
"Diplomacy is always a little bit harder than just saying, `This is what I want to do — everybody fall in line.' It is a body of (191) sovereign nations, not a rifle platoon that you can order around."
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