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Politics : GOPwinger Lies/Distortions/Omissions/Perversions of Truth -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: jttmab who wrote (5561)3/7/2004 8:39:53 AM
From: PartyTime  Respond to of 173976
 
We were duped

We need to confront the men who led us astray over Saddam's non-existent arsenal

Timothy Garton Ash
Thursday March 4, 2004
The Guardian

A year ago this month, America and Britain went to war on Iraq, claiming that Saddam Hussein had secret stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction which were a threat to his neighbours and the world. In fact, Saddam had no such stockpiles and almost certainly no such weapons. So Britain and America went to war on a false prospectus.

I did not support that war, but nor did I actively oppose it. I wrote a column on this page (In defence of the fence, February 6) defending a position of "tortured liberal ambivalence". The main reason I sat on the fence was the apparent evidence of concealed weapons of mass destruction which, especially in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, seemed to me a strong argument for intervention. Without it, I would probably have said a clear "no".

So now I want to know: why was I misled? Who duped whom? For, sure as hell, somewhere down the line someone was duped, and someone did the duping.

It's not enough to say "well, at least we got rid of a monstrous dictator" and "perhaps it will be the beginning of long-term change for the better in the wider Middle East". The first statement is true and the second may yet be, but neither is sufficient justification for what we did. I'm as delighted as anyone for those Iraqis who feel liberated but, for reasons I may explain at greater length in another column, the Iraq war cannot be justified retrospectively as a humanitarian intervention.

This discussion of the past is also about the future. As David Kay, the American weapons-hunter who found no weapons, told the Guardian: "The next time you have to go and shout there's fire in the theatre people are going to doubt it". But next time, the fire may be real.

So, why did I believe the weapons claims? Trying to strip the answer to its essentials, I would say "because of what I heard from No 10 Downing Street and what I read in the New York Times". You may think Blair is a Bliar; I don't. I'm sure he was convinced that Saddam had those weapons and therefore acted in good faith. Why was he convinced? For a start, Saddam had form. He had constantly violated UN resolutions and obstructed UN weapons inspectors. Then there was the current British intelligence, fed to Blair by the head of the joint intelligence committee, John Scarlett.

If you ask "who dunnit?", as in a game of Cluedo, the answer in the little black envelope could be "John Scarlett, in the cabinet room, with a secret intelligence folder". Blair was clearly far too impressed by the mystique of MI6, but why did the spooks over-egg their own pudding?

Was it that, after suffering the trauma of apparent redundancy at the end of the cold war, Britain's spies had got into the habit of being a little too eager to prove their usefulness to government? Was it that John Scarlett got carried away by the heady proximity to power? There's a real irony in the fact that it's Scarlett, a senior and impeccably loyal British intelligence officer, who's done more harm than any whistleblower to the worldwide mystique of Britain's spies.

I remember officials in No 10 Downing Street at that time, people of great integrity who I've known and respected for years, brandishing the name of Scarlett as if it were a gold standard of scrupulous professional caution. But then you have to ask: why were the insiders at No 10 so keen to believe the Scarlett files? I suspect the answer is: because they felt the Americans were probably going to "do" Iraq anyway. If they could not find a case for war that would win a majority in the House of Commons, and be (just about) acceptable in international law, Britain would face the unimaginable: leaving America in the lurch.

There was, I think, a kind of psychological group dynamic in which the key players at No 10 constantly reinforced each other's belief in the firmness of the evidence, rather as the editors of Stern magazine in Hamburg kept reassuring each other that the Hitler Diaries must be genuine. Yet in fairness we should remember that many reputable weapons experts - including the now disillusioned American David Kay and, it's often forgotten, the British specialist David Kelly - were themselves persuaded that Saddam was hiding some very dirty secrets.

This British story was ultimately a sideshow; the main play was in Washington. There I believed the New York Times, which for me has long been a gold standard of factual accuracy and balance in its news reporting. Yet now it turns out that the New York Times ran a series of front-page stories about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq which were based on the solitary say-so of highly unreliable Iraqi defectors. Its reporters were steered to these poisoned sources by the exile leader Ahmed Chalabi and his American neo-conservative supporters. The sad tale is told in fascinating detail in a recent New York Review of Books.

If we are looking for genuine, 24-carat dupers, it's among these exiles that we should look. For them, any claim was good, so long as it bolstered the case for getting rid of the dictator who was ruining their country. Can you blame them?

In some neat political legwork, of which Trotsky would have been proud, the neocons seem to have fed these stories into the Washington system via several agencies, as well as the New York Times and Washington Post, so it could look to those at the top as if the claims were confirmed by separate sources. Anyway, there were enough people around Bush who wanted to "do" Iraq for other reasons - unfinished business from the first Gulf War, concern for Middle East oil supplies, a desire to go on "rolling up" the possible threats after 9/11. Remember Paul Wolfowitz's comment that the weapons issue was chosen as the final justification of war for "bureaucratic" reasons?

Still, the weapons intelligence mattered. In a book based on conversations with the former US Treasury secretary, Paul O'Neill, Ron Suskind has an unforgettable vignette of Bush's national security council, at its very first meeting in January 2001, poring over a "tablecloth-size" grainy photograph of an alleged secret weapons factory in Iraq. We all recall Colin Powell's presentation to the UN security council. Powell himself has subsequently said that he's not certain they would have gone to war if they had known that Saddam had no stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons.

Yet one person must surely have known all along that Saddam Hussein had no such stockpiles. That person was Saddam Hussein.

In the end, it was his failure to convince UN inspectors of his full cooperation that enabled Washington and London to go to war, half-convincing even doubters like me on the critical issue of weapons of mass destruction. Why didn't he throw open every palace, bunker and cupboard, rather than march to certain defeat? Was it Arab pride, sheer confusion or ingrained habits of subterfuge? Did the greatest duper in this whole story become the last victim of his own duping?

There's a man in American custody who might help us clear up this last great mystery of the Iraq war: Saddam Hussein.

guardian.co.uk



To: jttmab who wrote (5561)3/7/2004 8:49:04 AM
From: Raymond Duray  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 173976
 
"FOUR DEAD IN OHIO" -- Redux

The murders of four Kent State students by over-eager National Guardsman was a dramatic turning point in the return to democracy and revulsion with the war machine three decades ago.

Today, the battle isn't raging on the campus green. It's raging in the cyberspace world of make-believe being created by deceivers who control the machinery of democracy, i.e. the voting process. And what we find is just as corrosive to democracy as any bullet fired at Americans expressing their opposition to an illegitimate government has ever been..........

Vote Scam 2004: A Commentary

motherjones.com

Diebold's Political Machine

Political insiders suggest Ohio could become as decisive this year as Florida was four years ago. Which is why the state's plan to use paperless touch-screen voting machines has so many up in arms.

By Bob Fitrakis and Harvey Wasserman

March 5, 2004

Soccer moms and NASCAR dads come and go, but swing states are always in fashion. And this year, Ohio is emerging as the most fashionable of the bunch. Asked recently about the importance of Ohio in this year's presidential campaign, one veteran of Buckeye State politics told Salon, "Ohio is the Florida of 2004."

That label sounds ominously accurate to the many who are skeptical of computerized voting. In addition to being as decisive as the 2000 polling in Florida, they worry this year's vote in Ohio could be just as flawed. Specifically, they worry that it could be rigged. And they wonder why state officials seem so unconcerned by the fact that the two companies in line to sell touch-screen voting machines to Ohio have deep and continuing ties to the Republican Party. Those companies, Ohio's own Diebold Election Systems and Election Systems & Software of Nebraska, are lobbying fiercely ahead of a public hearing on the matter in Columbus next week.

There's solid reason behind the political rhetoric tapping Ohio as a key battleground. No Republican has ever captured the White House without carrying Ohio, and only John Kennedy managed the feat for the Democrats. In 2000, George W. Bush won in the Buckeye State by a scant four percentage points. Four years earlier, Bill Clinton won in Ohio by a similar margin.

In recent years, central Ohio has been transformed from a bastion of Republicanism into a Democratic stronghold. Six of Columbus' seven city council members are Democrats, as is the city's mayor, Michael Coleman. But no Democrat has been elected to Congress from central Ohio in more than 20 years, and the area around Columbus still includes pockets where no Democrat stands a chance. One such Republican pocket is Upper Arlington, the Columbus suburb that is home to Walden "Wally" O'Dell, the chairman of the board and chief executive of Diebold. For years, O'Dell has given generously to Republican candidates. Last September, he held a packed $1,000-per-head GOP fundraiser at his 10,800-square-foot mansion. He has been feted as a guest at President Bush's Texas ranch, joining a cadre of "Pioneers and Rangers" who have pledged to raise more than $100,000 for the Bush reelection campaign. Most memorably, O'Dell last fall penned a letter pledging his commitment "to helping Ohio deliver its electoral votes to the President."

O'Dell has defended his actions, telling the Cleveland Plain Dealer "I'm not doing anything wrong or complicated." But he also promised to lower his political profile and "try to be more sensitive." But the Diebold boss' partisan cards are squarely on the table. And, when it comes to the Diebold board room, O'Dell is hardly alone in his generous support of the GOP. One of the longest-serving Diebold directors is W.R. "Tim" Timken. Like O'Dell, Timken is a Republican loyalist and a major contributor to GOP candidates. Since 1991 the Timken Company and members of the Timken family have contributed more than a million dollars to the Republican Party and to GOP presidential candidates such as George W. Bush. Between 2000 and 2002 alone, Timken's Canton-based bearing and steel company gave more than $350,000 to Republican causes, while Timken himself gave more than $120,000. This year, he is one of George W. Bush's campaign Pioneers, and has already pulled in more than $350,000 for the president's reelection bid.

While Diebold has received the most attention, it actually isn't the biggest maker of computerized election machines. That honor goes to Omaha-based ES&S, and its Republican roots are even stronger than Diebold's.

The firm, which is privately held, began as a company called Data Mark, which was founded in the early 1980s by Bob and Todd Urosevich. In 1984, brothers William and Robert Ahmanson bought a 68 percent stake in Data Mark, and changed the company's name to American Information Services (AIS). Then, in the late 90's, AIS was again sold, this time to McCarthy & Co., an Omaha investment group that included Chuck Hagel, who became the company's chairman. Hagel was still chairman of AIS for the first two months of 1996, while he was also a Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate – something he failed to disclose to election officials. As might be expected, Hagel has been generously supported by his investment partners at McCarthy & Co. -- Since he first ran, Hagel has received about $15,000 in campaign contributions from McCarthy & Co. executives. And Hagel still owns more than $1 million in stock in McCarthy & Co., which still owns a quarter of ES&S.

Back in 1996, Hagel surprised Nebraska pundits by defeating Benjamin Nelson, the state's popular former governor. Nebraska elections officials told The Hill that machines made by AIS probably tallied 85 percent of the votes cast in the 1996 vote. And Hagel repeated the feat in 2002, in a vote still angrily doubted by many Nebraska Democrats, whose demands for a recount were rebuffed.

If the Republican ties at Diebold and ES&S aren't enough to cause concern, argues election reform activist Bev Harris, the companies' past performances and current practices should be. Harris is author of Black Box Voting, and the woman behind the BlackBoxVoting.com web site.

The rush to embrace computerized voting, of course, began with Florida. But, in fact, one of the Sunshine State's election-day disasters was the direct result of a malfunctioning computerized voting system; a system built by Diebold. The massive screwup in Volusia County was all but lost in all the furor over hanging chads and butterfly ballots in South Florida. In part that's because county election officials avoided a total disaster by quickly conducting a hand recount of the more than 184,000 paper ballots used to feed the computerized system. But the huge computer miscount led several networks to incorrectly call the race for Bush.

The first signs that the Diebold-made system in Volusia County was malfunctioning came early on election night, when the central ballot-counting computer showed a Socialist Party candidate receiving more than 9,000 votes and Vice President Al Gore getting minus 19,000. Another 4,000 votes poured into the plus column for Bush that didn't belong there. Taken together, the massive swing seemed to indicate that Bush, not Gore, had won Florida and thus the White House. Election officials restarted the machine, and expressed confidence in the eventual results, which showed Gore beating Bush by 97,063 votes to 82,214. After the recount, Gore picked up 250 votes, while Bush picked up 154. But the erroneous numbers had already been sent to the media.

Harris has posted a series of internal Diebold memos relating to the Volusia County miscount on her website, blackboxvoting.com. One memo from Lana Hires of Global Election Systems, now part of Diebold, complains, "I need some answers! Our department is being audited by the County. I have been waiting for someone to give me an explanation as to why Precinct 216 gave Al Gore a minus 16,022 [votes] when it was uploaded." Another, from Talbot Ireland, Senior VP of Research and Development for Diebold, refers to key "replacement" votes in Volusia County as "unauthorized."

Harris has also posted a post-mortem by CBS detailing how the network managed to call Volusia County for Bush early in the morning. The report states: "Had it not been for these [computer] errors, the CBS News call for Bush at 2:17:52 AM would not have been made." As Harris notes, the 20,000-vote error shifted the momentum of the news reporting and nearly led Gore to concede.

What's particularly troubling, Harris says, is that the errors were caught only because an alert poll monitor noticed Gore's vote count going down through the evening, which of course is impossible. Diebold blamed the bizarre swing on a "faulty memory chip," which Harris claims is simply not credible. The whole episode, she contends, could easily have been consciously programmed by someone with a partisan agenda. Such claims might seem far-fetched, were it not for the fact that a cadre of computer scientists showed a year ago that the software running Diebold's new machines can be hacked with relative ease.

The hackers posted some 13,000 pages of internal documents on various web sites – documents that were pounced on by Harris and others. A desperate Diebold went to court to stop this "wholesale reproduction" of company material. By November of last year, the Associated Press reported that Diebold had sent cease-and-desist letters to programmers and students at two dozen universities, including the University of California at Berkeley and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The letters were ignored by at least one group of students at Swarthmore College, who vowed an "electronic civil disobedience" campaign.

Equally troubling, of course, is the fact that the touch-screen systems Diebold, ES&S, and the other companies have on the market now aren’t designed to generate a polling place paper trail. While ES&S says it is open to providing voter receipts, and has even designed a prototype machine that does so, the company isn’t going to roll that prototype into production until state and federal elections officials make it mandatory.

Lawmakers in Congress and the Ohio legislature are scrambling to do just that. In Ohio, State Sen. Teresa Fedor of Toledo has proposed a bill requiring a "voter verified paper audit trail" for all elections in the state. Congressman Rush Holt of New Jersey is pushing a similar measure in Washington. But the efforts are being fought by Republicans in both places. In Ohio, Secretary of State Kenneth Blackwell has already signed $100 million in agreements to purchase voting machines. The bulk of the purchases would go to Diebold and ES&S, and Blackwell insists there is no need for paper receipts. Considering the political opposition and the companies’ wait-and-see approach, it’s almost certain that voters using touch-screen machines in November will walk away from their polling places without ever seeing a printed record of their choices.

At a trade fair held recently here in Columbus, a wide range of companies seeking to fill that void demonstrated technologies that could easily and cheaply provide paper receipts for ballots. One such product, called TruVote, provides two separate voting receipts. The first is shown under plexiglass, and displays the choices made by a vote on the touch screen. This copy falls into a lockbox after the voter approves it. The second is provided to the voter. TruVote is already attracting fans, among them Brooks Thomas, Tennessee's Coordinator of Elections. "I've not seen anything that compares to [the] TruVote validation system." Georgia's Assistant Secretary of State, Terrell L. Slayton, Jr., calls the device is the "perfect solution." But Blackwell argues the campaign for a paper ballot trail for Ohio is an attempt to "derail" reform. He says he'll comply with the demand only if Congress mandates it.

Meanwhile, in Upper Arlington, a ‘lower profile' Wally O'Dell and his wife recently petitioned the city to get permission to serve liquor at future fundraisers and political gatherings.