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Politics : GOPwinger Lies/Distortions/Omissions/Perversions of Truth -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: James Calladine who wrote (5859)3/10/2004 1:46:21 PM
From: Lizzie Tudor  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 173976
 
yes- this IS wierd. I saw this on CNN yesterday, and tried to find info but nothing meaningful came up. Anybody with more info on this african cargo plane, please post.



To: James Calladine who wrote (5859)3/10/2004 4:41:38 PM
From: PartyTime  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 173976
 
When was the below photo taken?

independent-media.tv



To: James Calladine who wrote (5859)3/10/2004 5:04:29 PM
From: PartyTime  Respond to of 173976
 
HUMAN RIGHTS:
U.S. Blocks Protocol for 'Neglected' Rights

Gustavo Capdevila

GENEVA, Mar 5 (IPS) - Economic, social and cultural rights are the pariahs of international human rights legislation and will continue to be relegated to the second order, mostly due to U.S. obstructionism, say activists.

The Washington delegation on Friday blocked a proposed agreement to grant economic, social and cultural rights the same status as civil and political rights.

A working group created by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights ended two weeks of sessions without achieving consensus on drafting an optional protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

There is no mechanism in the international arena for legally requiring full recognition of these rights, nor those included in the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

In contrast, a ”complaints mechanism” is in place for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the conventions against race discrimination and torture and on the elimination of discrimination against women.

The U.S. delegation said that the fundamental differences that persist in the working group prevented it from approving the conclusions and recommendations presented by chairwoman Catarina de Albuquerque, human rights expert from Portugal.

The fact is that the United States does not form part of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights because it has yet to ratify the treaty established in 1966 by the United Nations.

Taking a similar stance, even though it has not even signed the Covenant, is Saudi Arabia, which alongside the United States has taken the offensive against the Portugal-led initiative to draft a protocol.

”We are disappointed in the lack of balance in the panellists chosen to make presentations to the working group. We have mostly heard from panellists who have expressed a single opinion, that of the necessity for a complaints mechanism,” said the U.S. delegation.

In some of their presentations, the experts went beyond their mandate, proposing ”a more drastic approach, such as a world court for human rights,” according to the U.S. representatives.

The idea of drafting an optional protocol to the Covenant ”is one whose time is not yet ripe,” they said.

But the non-governmental American Association of Jurists (AJJ) says just the contrary, that this procedure has become ”imperative” in order to counteract the creation of a ”world scale corporate law”.

Alejandro Teitelbaum, AAJ representative in Geneva, said this corporate law denies the fundamental principal of equality before the law and establishes exorbitant privileges for the transnational consortiums, responsible, he said, ”for most of the violations of economic, social and cultural rights.”

Another civil society organisation, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), warned that if the optional protocol is not proposed for economic, social and cultural rights, it would undermine recognition of the universality, interdependence, indivisibility and interconnection of all human rights.

In the human rights doctrine the idea of unifying the two covenants -- on civil and political rights, and economic, social and cultural rights -- is gaining ground.

Originally, the plan was for a single pact that would make binding the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the U.N. on Dec. 10, 1948.

The distinction between the two covenants emerged during the Cold War, an era that was not very propitious for maintaining the two sets of rights as equals, said members of the Portuguese delegation.

It does not make sense that there continue to be human rights of first and second order, they told IPS. The top category is civil and political rights, because they have a committee with the authority to process complaints.

But in the 1960s, there was a great deal of stigma when it came to collective rights -- which is what economic, social and cultural rights are, to large extent -- said a source from the Portuguese delegation, the main sponsor of the optional protocol initiative.

For this reason, there were two covenants, which had qualitative differences, because the civil and political rights were immediately applicable, while the economic, social and cultural rights were of a gradual nature and defined as ”aspirations”, said the source.

Some of the leaders of the industrial world, like the United States, Britain, Canada and Australia, have reservations about the latter ”programmatic” rights, which are seen as objectives rather than as legal obligations.

The United States maintains that they are not even rights, but only national policies, commented a Latin American diplomat in Geneva.

Nevertheless, there are other industrialised countries that back Portugal and encourage the drafting of a protocol to the Covenant. The European Union, which usually acts as a bloc on matters of human rights, is divided on the Portuguese initiative.

Amongst the developing countries, the majority supported the position laid out by India and the African bloc, which would condition progress in creating a complaint mechanism on policies for international cooperation and resources to ensure recognition of the rights in question.

If cooperation funds are not increased, it is unlikely that poor countries ”will put a noose around their necks and applaud a protocol that is going to jeopardise them,” the Latin American source told IPS, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The bloc of Latin American and Caribbean countries in the working group supported Portugal's initiative and the proposal of renewing the group's mandate in order to begin drafting the optional protocol.

Albuquerque said she would personally take the proposal to the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, which is to hold its annual sessions in Geneva, Mar. 15 to Apr. 23.

ipsnews.net



To: James Calladine who wrote (5859)3/10/2004 6:23:42 PM
From: John Sladek  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 173976
 
OT (Probably): Re: IS THE CIA IN THE AFRICAN MERCENARY BUSINESS....?

Possibly these are mercenaries from security firms. One example of such is the (supposedly) now-defunct firm "Executive Outomes".

Who hired them is another question....

fas.org
Executive Outcomes, the now defunct mercenary firm based in Pretoria, South Africa, that was manned mostly by former members of the South African Defense Force, proved to be a decisive factor in the outcome of some civil wars in Africa. Involved in forcing rebels to the negotiating table in Sierra Leone and more well-known for contributing to the Angolan government's success in forcing UNITA to accept the Lusaka Protocol in 1994, Executive Outcomes reportedly had a web of influence in Uganda, Botswana, Zambia, Ethiopia, Namibia, Lesotho and South Africa.

Even though the firm's expertise lay in fighting bush wars, it diversified and reportedly operated as many as 32 companies, whose interests range from computer software to adult education. The firm's tactic of quickly regaining control of a client country's mineral-rich regions is well-documented. Within a month of Sierra Leone's hiring of Executive Outcomes in May 1995, government forces had regained control of the diamond-rich Kono district, which produces two-thirds of Sierra Leone's diamonds. In Angola, oil- and diamond-producing regions were the first areas secured by government forces trained by Executive Outcomes. The firm also reportedly mined gold in Uganda, drilled boreholes in Ethiopia and had a variety of interests in the other countries noted above.
Executive Outcomes claimed that its sole purpose was to bring stability to the region by supporting legitimate governments in their defense against armed rebels. Nevertheless, rumors persisted that the firm was connected to either the South African DeBeers Diamond Corporation or the South African government. These claims were denied by all parties, and the South African government tried to restrict Executive Outcomes' business ventures.

The intermixing of paramilitary and commercial ventures made it difficult to determine the number of mercenaries involved in various countries. Most reports indicated there were between 150 and 200 in Sierra Leone, while reports from Angola varied, indicating between 500 and 4,000 members in that country.


fmso.leavenworth.army.mil

The open source references contained in this resource guide pertain to the recently defunct South Africa based mercenary corporation Executive Outcomes (EO) which operated as "mining and oil industry shock troops."1 The references span the 1994 through 1999 period. EO activities, from its founding in 1989 through 1993, escaped the attention of the world media. With EO’s increasing involvement in Angola and later Sierra Leone and Papua New Guinea, this mercenary corporation lost much of its transparency. As a result, its activities became increasingly scrutinized by the press, defense researchers, and other concerned parties.

With the passage of the new anti-mercenary law in South Africa, EO closed its doors 1 January 1999. The "mercenary corporation EO" thus officially existed from 1989 through 1998. As of March 1999, however, the EO Pretoria office was still open, with its associates most likely continuing their activities at a greatly reduced level of visibility under the banner of Lifeguard, Saracen, or another security firm linked to EO.



To: James Calladine who wrote (5859)3/10/2004 6:33:30 PM
From: John Sladek  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 173976
 
OT: (probably) James, re Mercenaries: Fred Rindel sure gets around:

theperspective.org
South Africans Providing Training in Liberia

"Fred Rindel a retired officer of the South African Defence Force and former Defence Attaché to the United States, has played a key role in the training of a Liberian anti-terrorist unit, consisting of Liberian soldiers and groups of foreigners, including citizens of Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Niger and The Gambia... The panel interviewed Mr. Rindel extensively. Rindel was contracted as a security consultant by President Charles Taylor in September 1998, and training started in November 1998. The contract included consultancy services and strategic advice to convert Charles Taylor's former rebel militia into a professional unit. The Anti-Terrorist Unit is used in Liberia to protect government buildings, the Executive Mansion and the international airport, and to provide VIP Security and the protection of foreign embassies. The numbers trained were approximately 1200. Because of negative media attention, Rindel cancelled his contract in Liberia in August 2000.

"In 1998, ECOMOG identified a plane, registration number N71RD, owned by a South African company, Dodson Aviation Maintenance and Spare Parts, as having carried weapons to Robertsfield in September of that year. The plane is a Gulfstream 14-seater business jet that cannot be used for arms transport, but there are other relevant connections. Fred Rindel was the owner of Dodson. The company was closed on 31 December 1998, but during the period under investigation, the plane was leased to, and operated by, Greater Holdings (Liberia) Ltd., a company with gold and diamond concessions in Liberia. The plane was used for the transport of the Greater Holdings' staff to and from Liberia.

"Niko Shefer is a businessman located in South Africa, and was Chairman/CEO of the Greater Diamond Company (Liberia) Ltd, a subsidiary of Greater Holdings. Shefer denies diamond dealings in Liberia and Sierra Leone, except for two exploration agreements with the Liberian government for concessions in Mano and Lower Lofa. When the employees of their diamond operations in Mano came under attack, Shefer discussed security with President Taylor, and suggested bringing in private security specialists from South Africa. This resulted in the security contract with Mr. Rindel. In the end, Shefer's explorations were unprofitable and were abandoned. The American partners in Greater Diamonds were at that time under investigation by American authorities for tax evasion and money laundering, using assets in Liberia. Shefer met with RUF leader Foday Sankoh in South Africa in February 2000.

"Fred Rindel states that he has never had any involvement with diamonds in Liberia and was never approached by anyone in Liberia with regard to diamonds. According to the Liberian Minister of Mines, however, Rindel was involved in a diamond project with the son of President Taylor, Charles Taylor Jr. Rindel includes a reference to De Dekker Diamonds (Pty) Ltd on his business card. Rindel was also contracted as consultant on a mineral and geological survey of the gold potential in the Mano and Nimba areas in Liberia. Geologists from South Africa were hired for the purpose. Rindel acquired the gold and other mineral rights for two concessions on behalf of a Bermuda based company, the Bermuda Holding Corporation, a company in which President Charles Taylor and some of his relatives hold interests. Mr. Rindel was also negotiating with a number of international companies to form joint ventures with the Bermuda corporation.

"Mr. Rindel denies bringing other South Africans to Liberia as trainers. During his time in Liberia, however, there were several other South Africans there, including Meno Uys, Gert Keelder and Faber Oosthuyzen. These men and others worked under contract in Liberia in 1998, 1999 and 2000 as security trainers. Their headquarters is at Gbarnga. Another South African, Karl Alberts, is flying helicopters for the Liberian armed forces. Neither Rindel nor the other South Africans applied for authorisation under the South African Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act (1998), because, in his case, according to Rindel, his services were purely of a protective nature and did not include any combat training, or training of armed forces in Liberia". God Bless Africa!


More of the same type of info on Rindel/Dobson via this search:
altavista.com