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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: redfish who wrote (556118)3/26/2004 6:52:00 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
Bush is like Nixon....But some say IraqGate may be worse than WaterGate...
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Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush

by John W. Dean

amazon.com

From the Publisher:
Former White House counsel and New York Times bestselling author John Dean reveals how the Bush White House has set America back decades-employing a worldview and tactics of deception that will do more damage to the nation than Nixon at his worst.
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<<...Provocative Inquiry Into Mr. Bush's Criminal Culpability!, March 21, 2004
Reviewer: Barron Laycock (Labradorman) (see more about me) from Temple, New Hampshire United States

For a convicted felon, John Dean is an exceptional author. I remember reading his own recollections of the Watergate affair and his own association with the subsequent events that led both to his own denouement and the resignation of Richard Nixon in disgrace in "Blind Ambition" in the mid 1970s. Once again he weighs in impressively by building a very strong circumstantial case for the investigation and possible prosecution of President George W. Bush for criminal actions that Dean terms to be indeed, "worst than those of Watergate". Culling from public records and the recollections of other eye-witnesses, Dean shows how Mr. Bush has systematically exaggerated, embellished, and engineered a series of preverifications and outright lies to the American public in an effort to convince us of the need for military intervention in Iraq.

Dean argues that in asking Congress for a Joint Resolution authorizing the use of American force in Iraq, President Bush made a number of "unequivocal public statements" regarding the reasons this country needed to pursue military force in pursuit of national interests. Dean, now an academic and noted author, shows how through tradition, presidential statements regarding issues of national security are held to an expectation of "the highest standard of truthfulness". Therefore, according to Dean, no president can simply "stretch, twist or distort" the facts of a case and then expect to avoid resulting consequences. Citing historical precedents, Dean shows how Lyndon Johnson's distortions regarding the truth about the war in Vietnam led to his own subsequent withdrawal for candidacy for re-election in 1968, and how Richard Nixon's attempted cover-up of the truth about Watergate forced his own resignation.

Dean contends that while President Bush should indeed receive the benefit of the doubt, he must also be held accountable for explaining how it is that he made such a string of unambiguous and confident pronouncements to the American people (and to the world as well) regarding the existence of WMD, none of which have been substantiated in the subsequent searches that have been conducted by either Untied Nations nor American Military investigators. Dean explains how the vetting process for any public staement is processed within the executive branch:

"First, I assured the students that these statements had all been carefully considered and crafted. presidential statements are the result of a process, not a moment's thought. White House speechwriters process raw information, and their statements are passed on to senior aides who have both substantive knowledge and political insights. And this all occurs before the statement ever reaches the president for his own review and possible revision."

"Second, I explained that -- at least in every White House and administration with which I was familiar, from Truman to Clinton -- statements with national security implications were the most carefully considered of all. The White House is aware that, in making these statements, the President is speaking not only to the nation, but also to the world."

"Third, I pointed out to the students, these statements are typically corrected rapidly if they are later found to be false. And in this case, far from backpedaling from the president's more extreme claims, Bush's press secretary, Ari Fleischer had actually, at times, been even more emphatic than the president had. For example, on Jan. 9, 2003, Fleischer stated, during his press briefing, "We know for a fact that there are weapons there." Moreover, Dean contends, others such as Donald Rumsfeld were even more emphatic in claiming Saddam Hussein had WMD, even claiming to know the locations as being in the Tikrit and Baghdad areas. Finally, he concludes, given the huge implicit political risk to Mr. Bush, it would inconceivable that Mr. Bush would be so brazen as to make such statements without some intelligence to back them up.

Yet, according to Mr. Dean, we are left with a dilemma; either Mr. Bush's statements are grossly inaccurate, given the tons and tons of chemical agents he claimed Saddam possessed which can be neither located nor substantiated, or Mr. Bush has deliberately misled us. How do we reconcile what seem to be quite unequivocal statements from both the President and his agents and the evidence to date regarding the existence of WMD? According to Mr. Dean, there are two possibilities; first, that there is something devilishly wrong with the current administration's national security operations, a prospect Dean finds hard to swallow, or, second, the President has deliberately misled the American people and the world regarding the evidence supporting taking preemptive military action against the sovereign nation of Iraq.

Bluntly stated, if Mr. Bush led this country into war based on bogus intelligence data, he is liable under the Constitution for manipulation and deliberate misuse of that data under the "high crimes" statute of that document, given the fact it is a felony to defraud the United States through such a conspiratorial action. According to Mr. Dean, It is time for both Congress and the American people to demand of Mr. Bush the same kind of high-minded honesty he pledged to us under the oath of office. This is an important book, and one I urge you to read!...>>



To: redfish who wrote (556118)3/26/2004 7:05:41 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769667
 
Ex-Bush Aide Disrobes the Emperor
__________________________

By Jim Spencer
The Denver Post
Thursday 25 March 2004

truthout.org

It wasn't exactly John Dean and Watergate. But the 2 1/2 hours Richard Clarke spent Wednesday before a commission investigating the 9/11 terrorist attacks could help determine the 2004 presidential race.

George W. Bush has cloaked himself in the war on terrorism to win re-election.

Clarke, a national security expert who served three Republican presidents and one Democrat, says the emperor's new clothes are an illusion.

On Wednesday, Clarke told the 9/11 commission that he warned the Bush administration in January 2001 about critical threats posed by al-Qaeda terrorists. He said he proposed actions to address those threats.

Clarke, former national coordinator for security, infrastructure protection and counterterrorism, said Bush officials shunted his concerns to deputies. He said high-level discussions of al-Qaeda risks didn't take place until Sept. 4, 2001. A week later, terrorists hijacked jets and crashed them into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

Clarke prefaced his testimony Wednesday with an apology to 9/11 victims and families.

"Those entrusted with protecting you failed you," he said. "And I failed you. ... I would ask for your understanding and forgiveness."

Even Clarke isn't sure anything could have prevented an eventual al-Qaeda-driven disaster. But he insists that George W. Bush's White House didn't make terrorism enough of a priority before Sept. 11, 2001.

And once the 9/11 damage was done, Clarke said, the president and his senior advisers insisted on attacking Saddam Hussein, rather than trying to destroy al-Qaeda.

"By invading Iraq," Clarke contended, "the president of the United States has greatly undermined the war on terrorism."

Clarke retired in frustration over the administration's approach to terrorism. His critique strikes the heart of Bush's re-election plan. The president was going to run on his success in the war on terror.

To do that now, Bush must discredit a respected White House adviser who worked not only for him, but also for his father and Ronald Reagan.

The Bush boo-birds are out in force. On Tuesday, the White House took the unusual step of releasing Clarke's resignation letter to show how Clarke praised the president when he quit his job. On Wednesday, Fox News took the even more unusual step of releasing a transcript of a supposedly confidential background briefing Clarke gave reporters in August 2002. In the briefing, Clarke emphasized the Bush administration's efforts to fight terrorism.

Clarke said the White House asked him to talk after Time magazine criticized the president's anti-terrorism efforts before 9/11.

Clarke said he put the best face he could on an "embarrassing" situation.

"You understand the freedom one has to speak while representing an administration," Clarke told commission member Fred Fielding, who was White House counsel to Reagan.

Another Republican commission member, John Lehman, secretary of the Navy under Reagan, said Clarke had a "credibility problem" because Clarke just published a book.

Clarke's book, "Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror," says Bush was obsessed with invading Iraq within days of Sept. 11.

"Iraq," he writes, "was portrayed as the most dangerous thing in national security. It was ... a decision already made and one that no fact or event could derail."

Lehman called Clarke's book a "devastating attack" on the latest President Bush, something that made Clarke seem partisan.

Clarke replied that the last time he had to declare a party affiliation, he asked for a Republican ballot.

Clarke admitted that he currently teaches a college class with another former Bush White House colleague, Randy Beers. Beers now supports Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry, Clarke acknowledged.

"I'm not going to dissociate myself from a friend," Clarke said.

But while under oath Wednesday, he swore never to accept any job with the Kerry administration, should there even be one.

This was not enough for former Illinois Gov. Jim Thompson, another Republican on the commission. Thompson lit into Clarke. He suggested that Clarke either lied to reporters in the August 2002 briefing or lied in his book. Thompson accused Clarke of a double standard of "candor and morality."

"It's not a question of morality at all," Clarke replied. "It's a question of politics."

Presidential politics, to be precise.

On Monday, Bush's press secretary, Scott McClellan, tried to dismiss the furor as "Dick Clarke's American grandstand."

It was a clever turn of phrase. But nobody should be laughing this off.

Dick Clarke's American grandstand overlooks 3,000 bodies in New York and D.C. It hovers above 560 American soldiers and 10,000 Iraqis.

Dick Clarke's American grandstand isn't about pop music.

It's about life and death.

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To: redfish who wrote (556118)3/27/2004 6:08:29 AM
From: JDN  Respond to of 769667
 
WHAT!! So why then did he have his administration drawing up comprehensive plans, negotiating with Pakistan and others etc etc etc to ELIMINATE the threat? He didnt think much of the chasing of individual bombers, there is no end to that supply of labor, you gotta go after the HEART not the digits. jdn