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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36649)3/28/2004 4:48:41 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793689
 
Looks like the torrent of complaints to Okrent about Dowd and Krugman has finally born fruit. It is up to Gail Collins now. Will she do anything? TWT.



THE PUBLIC EDITOR
The Privileges of Opinion, the Obligations of Fact
By DANIEL OKRENT - NYT

IT sounds like a simple question: Should opinion columnists be subject to the same corrections policy that governs the work of every other writer at The Times? So simple, in fact, that you must know that only an ornate answer could follow.

For the news pages, the rule is succinct. "Because its voice is loud and far-reaching," the paper's stylebook says, "The Times recognizes an ethical responsibility to correct all its factual errors, large and small (even misspellings of names), promptly and in a prominent reserved space in the paper." But on the page where The Times's seven Op-Ed columnists roam, there has long been no rule at all, or at least not one clearly elucidated and publicly promulgated. When I began in this job last fall, I was told The Times considered the space granted Op-Ed columnists theirs to use as they wish, subject only to the limits of legality, decency and publisher Arthur O. Sulzberger Jr.'s patience. Columnists decided when to run corrections, and where in their columns to run them.

But several days ago, editorial page editor Gail Collins handed me a memo in response to my inquiries. (You can read it in its entirety at forums.nytimes.com; look for posting No. 22.) Less a formal statute than an explanation and justification of practice, the document lays out the position of both Collins and her boss, Sulzberger, who bears ultimate responsibility for hiring and firing columnists. Collins explains why columnists must be allowed the freedom of their opinions, but insists that they "are obviously required to be factually accurate. If one of them makes an error, he or she is expected to promptly correct it in the column." Corrections, under this new rule, are to be placed at the end of a subsequent column, "to maximize the chance that they will be seen by all their readers, everywhere," a reference to the wide syndication many of the columnists enjoy.

But who is to say what is factually accurate? Or whether a quotation is misrepresented? Or whether facts are used or misused in such a fashion as to render a columnist's opinion unfair? Or even whether fairness has anything to do with opinion in the first place? Can you imagine one of the Sunday morning television screamfests instituting a corrections policy?

In the consciously cynical words of a retired Times editor, speaking for all the hard-news types who find most commentary to be frippery, "How can you expect fairness from columnists when they make up all that stuff anyway?"

Of course they don't make the stuff up (at least the good ones don't). But many do use their material in ways that veer sharply from conventional journalistic practice. The opinion writer chooses which facts to present, and which to withhold. He can paint individuals he likes as paragons, and those he disdains as scoundrels. The more scurrilous practitioners rely on indirection and innuendo, nestling together in a bed of lush sophistry. I sometimes think opinion columns ought to carry a warning: "The following is solely the opinion of the author, supported by data I alone have chosen to include. Live with it." Opinion is inherently unfair.

Columnists also attract a crowd radically unlike the audience that sticks to the news pages. Judging by my mail, the more partisan of The Times's columnists draw two distinct sets of fanatical loyalists: those who wish to have their own views reinforced, and those who enjoy the hot thrill of a blood-pressure spike. Paul Krugman, writes Nadia Koutzen of Toms River, N.J., "makes more sense (along with Bob Herbert) than anyone. He states irrefutable facts." Paul Krugman, writes Donald Luskin of Palo Alto, Calif., has committed "dozens of substantive factual errors, distortions, misquotations and false quotations - all pronounced in a voice of authoritativeness that most columnists would not presume to permit themselves."

For a wider audience, Luskin serves as Javert to Krugman's Jean Valjean. From a perch on National Review Online, he regularly assaults Krugman's logic, his politics, his economic theories, his character and his accuracy. (If you want to see what kind of a rumble can evolve from a columnist's use of a quotation, go to posting No. 23 of my Web journal to find a series of links relating to a recent charge against Krugman: can you figure out who's right?) Similarly, David Corn of The Nation has taken aim at William Safire, charging in one recent piece that "under the cover of opinion journalism," Safire is "dishing out disinformation." And Maureen Dowd is followed faithfully around the Web by an avenging army of passionate detractors who would probably be devastated if she ever stopped writing.

Anyone who calls the Internet's bustling trade in columnist-attack a cottage industry might more accurately liken it to the arms bazaar in Peshawar. Peace and calm were not enhanced a few weeks ago when Times lawyers took a legal sledgehammer to an imaginary Op-Ed corrections column published by Robert Cox of the Web site The National Debate - but peace and calm rarely accompany arguments about political opinion in a polarized age.

This sort of contentiousness makes a clear, publicly stated corrections policy necessary, and finding a bright line in such murky precincts isn't easy. At the very minimum, anything that is indisputably inaccurate must be corrected: there is no protected opinion that holds that the sun rises in the west. Same with the patent misuse or distortion of quotations that are already in the public record. But if Safire asserts that there is a "smoking gun" linking Al Qaeda to Saddam Hussein, then even David Corn's best shots (which include many citations from Times news stories) aren't going to prove it isn't so. "An opinion may be wrongheaded," Safire told me by e-mail last week, "but it is never wrong. A belief or a conviction, no matter how illogical, crackbrained or infuriating, is an idea subject to vigorous dispute but is not an assertion subject to editorial or legal correction."

Safire good-humoredly (I think) asked me to whom he could complain if I quoted him out of context. I had a ready answer: "No one - I'm a columnist."

I generally don't like to engage in comparative newspapering, but I thought it was worth knowing what other papers do with (or to) their columnists. At The Boston Globe (owned by The New York Times Company), editorial page editor Renee Loth's practice is almost identical to the one now in place here; so is the policy of Paul Gigot, who presides over the opinion pages at The Wall Street Journal (definitely not owned by The Times). The Los Angeles Times actually allows its readers' representative to participate in decisions on columnist corrections. (No thanks, I'd rather not.) At The Washington Post, if a columnist doesn't want to write a correction recommended by editorial page editor Fred Hiatt, Hiatt will put one on the op-ed page himself. At every one of these papers, the final arbiter is the editorial page editor.

Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who would have made an excellent editorial page editor if he could have put up with the meetings, once said that "everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts." Gail Collins's determination that corrections will appear on their own at the end of a succeeding column, and not disappear into an unrelated digression, is on its own a significant piece of progress. But it's her assertion of responsibility that matters most. Critics might say her statement of policy is very gently phrased, but when I asked her if there was wiggle room, she was unequivocal: "It is my obligation to make sure no misstatements of fact on the editorial pages go uncorrected."

In the coming months I expect columnist corrections to become a little more frequent and a lot more forthright than they've been in the past. Yet the final measure of Collins's success, and of the individual columnists, will be not in the corrections but in the absence of the need for them. Wayne Wren of Houston, a self-described conservative and "avid reader" of National Review Online, expressed it with great equanimity in a recent e-mail message to my office: "If Mr. Krugman is making egregious errors in his Op-Ed column, they will catch up with him." Same goes for Brooks, Dowd, Friedman, Herbert, Kristof and Safire - and, most important, for The New York Times.



My March 14 column may have left some readers wondering why reporter Jane Gross didn't write the corrective follow-up to her story about an allegedly anti-Semitic incident at a private-school basketball game, an article that I criticized. Her editors say the task - the "rowback" - was assigned to another writer only because Gross had left for a long-planned vacation.

The public editor is the readers' representative. His opinions and conclusions are his own. His column appears at least twice monthly in this section.

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36649)3/28/2004 9:02:07 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793689
 
They are kicking and screaming at BBC. "The Guardian."

Top BBC staff threaten to walk out over WMD probe

Marr, Paxman and Humphrys said to be concerned at corporation's 'Guantanamo'

Kamal Ahmedand and Vanessa Thorpe
Sunday March 28, 2004
The Observer

Senior BBC staff are threatening to take some flagship programmes off the air rather than face criticisms from an internal inquiry launched in the aftermath of Hutton.
A remarkable series of internal battles, which has pitched some of Britain's most senior broadcasting figures against one another, has led to the threats. The inquiry, chaired by the BBC's director of policy, Caroline Thomson, has been described as a 'kangaroo court'.

Executives and presenters complained that the inquiry went against natural justice, was trying to find scapegoats for the Hutton debacle and had poisoned relations. The strength of feeling among senior BBC figures comes at a difficult time for Acting Director-General Mark Byford, who has been attacked for agreeing to the inquiry.

Byford hopes to become the next Director-General to succeed Greg Dyke, who resigned after Hutton. But staff said he could be presiding over 'mass walkouts' if individuals are attacked by the inquiry.

Stars such as political editor Andrew Marr, Newsnight presenter Jeremy Paxman, and Today's John Humphrys and Jim Naughtie have all raised concerns at the process that has been likened to 'the BBC's own Guantanamo'.

The inquiry was launched to discover 'what went wrong' following the notorious 6.07am broadcast on Today, when Andrew Gilligan claimed that the Government had deliberately 'sexed up' evidence that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction.

'[The inquiry] is pointless but, worse than that, they might get a rush of blood and decide more heads must roll,' said one very senior figure.

'I think people would down tools: not just presenters, but producers and editors, and it might go higher than that. They've got a fight on their hands if they do anything to anyone.'

Richard Sambrook, head of news, Kevin Marsh, the editor of Today, and Stephen Mitchell, head of radio, were all called to give evidence.

None of the witnesses called was told what allegations they faced, whether any of the evidence they gave would be used against them or others, or whether the interviews were a 'disciplinary matter'.

Many staff said the inquiry had simply furthered the BBC's reputation as 'caving in' to the Government. The fact that the corporation launched its own investigation, expected to report in the next month, after Hutton's exhaustive inquiry, has led many to question the BBC's ability to put the events behind it.

'This inquiry has changed everything,' said one Today staffer. 'There is an atmosphere of nervousness.

'The management see it as a "truth and reconciliation" process that will heal us, but that is not what is happening. Even if they don't come up with any concrete findings, as I suspect will be the case, it will still have a lasting and very bad effect.'

Another senior member of BBC staff said that 'screens would go blank' if further attacks were made on respected staff for their part in Gilligan's original report and the subsequent battle between the BBC and Downing Street over its veracity.

The highly public nature of the battle, led by Alastair Campbell, Number 10's former director of communications, led to the eventual 'outing' of the source of Gilligan's claims, Dr David Kelly.

Kelly, a Ministry of Defence expert on WMD, committed suicide after an internal departmental inquiry questioned his 'unauthorised contacts' with the media. 'We apologised for mistakes during Hutton, we apologised for mistakes when the Hutton report was published, what do they want us to do, apologise again?' said another senior executive.

Another person involved said that, from the outset, the inquiry's tone was set. 'They said "What went wrong", rather than "What happened",' he said. 'I think that says a lot about what they thought they might find.'

News staff said that the BBC was now much more cautious with stories than it had been in the past and that the internal inquiry had meant that many senior executives were still bogged down in the Hutton aftermath. Thomson, who is the partner of Downing Street policy adviser Roger Liddle, is undertaking the inquiry with Stephen Dando, the director of personnel. Critics point out that Thomson was directly involved in putting the BBC's case to Hutton.

'It's ridiculous. Is Thomson meant to interview herself about "what went wrong"?,' asked one BBC executive.

Although witnesses did not have official legal representa tion, many of them have hired lawyers. After criticisms that the inquiry amounted to a Politburo-style investigation, each was allowed to take a 'buddy' to the hearings. Marr, for example, accompanied Mark Damazer, the deputy director of news.

Marsh was so nonplussed by his first interview that he refused to answer questions. A second series was launched last week and will continue for the next few days.

The BBC initially said that it was not a disciplinary inquiry, but witnesses were angered when a copy of the corporation's disciplinary guidelines were attached to letters from the inquiry team.

In an attempt to head off criticism, the BBC has now written to witnesses outlining the main areas of the inquiry.

Senior corporation sources said that it was likely that the inquiry would criticise internal procedures, rather than specific individuals.

It is likely to focus on the 'defence letter' sent to Campbell by Sambrook, outlining why the BBC believed Gilligan's story to be justified. It will also look at whether the Governors could have done more to defuse the row when they had an emergency meeting after Kelly's death.

Senior BBC figures said there could even be some criticism of the way the Hutton case was handled, with some pointing out that the BBC should not have apologised for its errors in front of Hutton when the Government refused to do so.

A BBC spokesman said the corporation was unhappy about what he described as the 'unfair names' for the process being repeated outside the organisation. He added that the 'internal process' team was working 'as quickly as they possibly can' to complete its inquiries, although there is no official end-date in view.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36649)3/28/2004 11:13:04 AM
From: RinConRon  Respond to of 793689
 
Nadine,
This is interesting, and a first in my memory. Israel pointing to a hole in their own back yard intel. Maybe Sharon is publicly tossing Bush a bagel to help alleviate the Clarke accusations?

Israeli Secret Services Faulted for Iraq Forecasts
46 minutes ago Add Top Stories - Reuters to My Yahoo!


By Dan Williams

JERUSALEM (Reuters) - Israel overestimated Iraq (news - web sites)'s military capabilities but the miscalculation in no way influenced the U.S. decision to topple Saddam Hussein (news - web sites), a parliamentary inquiry found Sunday.

Reuters
Slideshow: Mideast Conflict




It was rare public criticism of the secret services in Israel, issued even as Britain and the United States -- partners in the Iraq invasion -- conduct their own investigations into intelligence failures which preceded the war.

The Knesset Subcommittee on the Secret Services also assailed Israeli intelligence as slow to pick up on Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi (news - web sites)'s weapons of mass destruction program until shortly before he abandoned it in December.

"The military and political echelons are responsible for an intelligence foul-up regarding Iraq and Libya," the panel said in the 80-page report calling for an overhaul.

Officially at war with Saddam, its avowed enemy, Israel shared intelligence with Washington, its closest ally, before last year's invasion. Then, as now, it played down its cooperation to avoid deepening Arab ire at the campaign.

Yuval Steinitz, a lawmaker from the right-wing ruling Likud party who led the inquiry, said Israeli input played "a very minor role" in Washington's prewar planning.

"The American and British intelligence services had much better access to Iraq by simply sitting in Kuwait and being able to fly almost freely over Iraqi soil," Steinitz told reporters.

Having failed to uncover weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, the United States and Britain have been at pains to defend the assessments that drove them to war.

SNOWBALL EFFECT

The report complained of a snowball effect in intelligence sharing, whereby some Israeli assessments, analyzed by U.S. counterparts, eventually found their way back to Israel in repackaged form.

"It is not inconceivable that (such) analyzes had a bolstering and authenticating effect as though authoritative," said the report, parts of which were kept classified.

Before the hostilities, Israel issued its citizens with gas masks for fear Iraq would strike with non-conventional missiles -- an escalation of its 39 Scud salvoes in the 1991 Gulf war.

After the U.S. invasion passed without attack on Israel, the army came under criticism for having ordered the public to put protective plastic sheeting on windows and open sealed gas mask kits at a replacement cost of millions of dollars.

The subcommittee widened its probe beyond Iraq after the U.S.- and British-brokered disarmament pledge by Gaddafi caught Israel by surprise. Last October, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon (news - web sites) said Libya was seeking nuclear weapons.

The Steinitz report urged better coordination between the Mossad, which carries out espionage and counter-terrorism operations abroad, and Military Intelligence, charged with keeping an eye on the armed forces of hostile states.

Leading Military Intelligence's efforts is a signals interception unit known as 8200. New Yorker magazine recently said the unit tipped off the United States on Iran's procurement of nuclear know-how from Pakistan.

The subcommittee report suggested 8200 be streamlined and upgraded as a civilian unit.



U.S. officials declined comment on the findings. A spokesman for Sharon, who oversees secret services, said the report "will be taken into consideration."