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To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/30/2004 12:53:06 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
With Yassin dead, the only possible Islamist successor to Arafat is out of the picture, and so prospects of a Hamas seizure of power have plummeted.

That hadn't occurred to me. No wonder the Fatah people are shedding crocodile tears. And Israel has made it even more difficult for Hamas to take over. Chaos for the Pals in not bad for Israel's defense. Interesting times.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/30/2004 1:01:19 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793964
 
This is really sad, Nadine. Why don't they be done with it, and just slap a yellow star on the product?

Norway’s Supermarkets Engage in Not So Subtle Boycott of Israel
06:19 Mar 30, '04 / 8 Nisan 5764


(IsraelNN.com) Some of Norway’s supermarket chains have decided to place special identification stickers on products from Israel. Other Scandinavian countries may follow suit. The Norwegians say the stickers do not constitute a "boycott" of Israel; they just want their customers, who are overwhelmingly pro Palestinian, to pay attention to where these products are produced. Norwegian labor unions have recently refused to off-load Israeli farm produce. Last year, a Norwegian "labor youth movement" organized a demonstration against Israeli singers from the Eurovision song contest. Another Norwegian group has been boycotting Israeli oranges since the early 90s. This group, "Boikott Israel l," rejuvenated by the latest "Intifada" to include a boycott of all Israeli commerce, denies on its website that it is anti-Semitic but states its goal is the end Israel's "50 year occupation" of, and the return of refugees to a "free Palestine." (www.koshertoday.com)
israelnn.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/30/2004 3:33:54 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
John Tabin Blog - Is the Jewish Vote in Play?

I'd say the jury is out, but Republicans are actively reaching out to Jewish groups, some major Jewish donors are defecting to the GOP, and Democrats are clearly nervous:

Sen. Jon Corzine (D-N.J.), chairman of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC), surprised members of the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America during remarks at a luncheon when he acknowledged there is a perception among many Jews that Democrats are not strong enough on the issue of Israeli security.
However, he insisted the perception is not true.

“A lot of us were quite struck that he would say that,” said a high-ranking official with the group.

The article, from The Hill, notes that " While President Bush won only 19 percent of the Jewish vote in 2000, Republican candidates garnered 35 percent of the Jewish vote in 2002," but it's hard to know how much to read into that; I spent election night 2002 at the victory party for congressman Mark Kirk, a fairly liberal (but strong on defense) Illinois Republican with a notable bloc of Jewish constituents, and met at least one Kirk supporter who disliked the President. But the most striking statistic-- which I hadn't seen-- is that "In the era of soft money, an estimated 50 to 70 percent of large contributions to the Democratic Party and allied political units came from Jewish donors" (empasis added). Small wonder that they're worried.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/30/2004 10:34:29 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
J POST - Iran binds Hizbullah to Hamas

AARON MANNES Mar. 29, 2004
The writer is the author of the TerrorBlog (www.profilesinterror.com) and the book Profiles in Terror, forthcoming in May 2004, Rowman & Littlefield-JINSA Press.

With the assassination of Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, history may repeat itself.

On October 26, 1995 in Malta, Israeli agents assassinated Fathi Shkaki, the secretary-general of Palestinian Islamic Jihad. He was replaced by Ramadan Abdallah Shallah, who was not as effective a leader.

As Islamic Jihad began to decline, Iran became its primary funder, and Islamic Jihad in turn became Iran's proxy in the West Bank and Gaza.

With Sheikh Yassin, Hamas's founder dead, Iran may again attempt to move into a power vacuum in order to extend the reach of its terror network both against Israel and worldwide.

The relationship between Hamas and Hizbullah, Iran's leading terrorist proxy, dates back to the early 1990s. After being released from Israeli prison in 1997, Yassin visited Iran and secured a multimillion dollar annual Iranian contribution to Hamas. In the Aksa Intifada, Hizbullah has been generous in sharing its expertise, smuggling plans, equipment, and operatives with the Palestinian territories.

Hizbullah has helped Hamas build rockets based on Katyushas and bombs – including the device used in the March 27, 2002 Passover Massacre. Hamas has also carried out ambushes, such as a February 2002 attack that destroyed an Israeli tank, based on tactics Hizbullah honed in its long fight against Israel in Lebanon.

In the wake of Yassin's assassination, Hizbullah shelled northern Israel, further demonstrating the expanding ties between the two organizations.

Within Hamas, power will pass to the Damascus-based political leadership under Khaled Mashaal, which is not as highly regarded as Yassin and which already cooperates closely with Hizbullah and Iran. As Hamas's networks are damaged by Israeli crackdowns, the Hamas leadership will rely more frequently on Hizbullah's assistance in carrying out operations and transferring funds.

HAMAS HAS a vast social welfare network including schools and clinics in the Palestinian territories providing material support for its terrorist activities, as well as propaganda and fundraising arms worldwide. This independent base of support makes a complete Iranian takeover of Hamas unlikely. But it also makes the possibility of a deeper Hamas-Hizbullah-Iran alliance a much more potent threat.

For Israel, this alliance is a matter of grave concern.

Hizbullah has made inroads in the West Bank and Gaza, both among the Palestinian terrorist organizations and in establishing independent terrorist cells and a social welfare network. In addition to the Islamic Jihad, Hizbullah's relations with the various factions associated with Yasser Arafat are well established.

Hizbullah's top terrorist, Imad Mughniyah, who masterminded the bombing of the US Marine barracks in Beirut in 1983 and the Karine A arms shipment to the Palestinian Authority in December 2001, was a member of Force 17, Yasser Arafat's elite bodyguard, in the early 1980s.

Ma'ariv reports that Hizbullah and Iran currently finance most Aksa Martyrs Brigade operations. With Hamas folded into this alliance, Israel could face a well-coordinated threat on three fronts directed from Iran.
But the greater repercussions could be international. Ideologically, Hamas grew from the Muslim Brotherhood, the original Islamic extremist organization, which viewed the United States as Islam's central enemy.

In the past, Hamas refrained from launching attacks outside Israel. But the December 2003 arrest of Jamal Akkal, a Canadian citizen of Palestinian descent who confessed that he had been trained by Hamas to attack Israeli targets in Canada, indicates that this policy is changing.

Hizbullah has an extensive international network that has, in close coordination with the Iranian government, launched terror attacks throughout Europe and the Middle East, and in Latin American and Asia.
Hamas brings important assets to Hizbullah's network. Gaza and the West Bank could prove fertile ground in recruiting operatives for attacks elsewhere in the world. Hamas is a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood and could help cement (Shi'ite) Hizbullah's ties with (Sunni) Islamist groups around the world.

Hamas also has an international network of supporters who have raised tens of millions annually in North America, Britain, Europe, and Latin America. These networks could also provide logistical support for terror attacks. Already Hamas and Hizbullah have reportedly opened offices in Iraq, where they are infiltrating their supporters and recruiting Iraqis.

None of this is to argue that Israel should not have targeted Yassin, whose long, murderous career needed to be brought to a close. Hamas will be less effective without him.
But his absence creates a vacuum, and the possibility that Iran could fill that vacuum, expanding its already formidable international terror network, is real and frightening.

This article can also be read at jpost.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/30/2004 2:35:23 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793964
 
Village Voice - Press Clips
by Cynthia Cotts
Facts, Schmacts
Still a tad power-drunk, ex-times editor Howell Raines sings a tune he might call Exile on 43rd Street
March 30th, 2004 11:50 AM



It's hard to tell who is more in denial these days, Howell Raines or Jayson Blair. In a 20,000-word memoir that appears in the May Atlantic, the former New York Times executive editor takes responsibility for not catching the liar who brought him down, but continues to insist, I didn't do anything wrong!

With his salary of $1 million or more a year, Raines must have gotten a nice severance package, but he doesn't seem to have spent any of it on therapy. He remembers how he got the top job and what he was doing with it, but still hasn't figured out why he lost it. In the end, he's not much of a tragic hero, having yet to experience the moment of self-awakening that makes a protagonist sympathetic in defeat.

To his credit, Raines made the Times lively, and this piece confirms his place as a master of literary journalism and skilled raconteur. Given his previous stint as a novelist (Whiskey Man, 1977), he might want to try pulp fiction next.

The Times he remembers is nothing if not macho. Missing in action are Krystyna Stachowiak, his glamorous second wife; Gail Collins, the Times' editorial page editor and his most prominent female hire; and Jill Abramson, the D.C. bureau chief who sparred with him and is now the managing editor. Times Company executive vice president Janet Robinson and Arts & Leisure editor Jodi Kantor get only passing mentions. Even many of the male contemporaries he names seem faintly damned.

Raines's Times is a land of "old lions," former executive editors from Turner Catledge and James Reston to Abe Rosenthal and Max Frankel. These are the figures he measures himself against, with the key to greatness being the willingness to exercise power, to rock the boat, to whip the staff into producing "more, better, faster." Once inside the Times, he confides, "I learned to swim with sharks, and I don't mind saying that I liked it."

The memoir does have a love interest: Times publisher Arthur Sulzberger Jr. Sulzberger had long found Raines beguiling, and Raines clearly decided to market his charm. He boasts that the relationship between executive editor and publisher is akin to a marriage, and that he and Sulzberger had "chemistry." In the spring of 2001, Raines recounts, they had an intimate dinner at Aquavit (the publisher reportedly liked it there because the waterfall thwarted eavesdroppers). That's when Raines began selling Sulzberger on his plan to guarantee the paper's long-term viability, the details of which are rehashed here in too much detail. Before long they were meeting in a secret room where Sulzberger's grandfather once "had assignations" with Hollywood star Madeleine Carroll. To discuss business, of course.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Staff Story is a One-sided Screed

One expects juicy stories about the tension between Raines and the newsroom, but he paints that story in broad strokes. His was the culture of achievement; theirs the culture of complaint. It was an epic battle of the change agent against the change-averse, the ambitious against the lazy, the meritocracy against the Newspaper Guild. Like a good contrarian, Raines sees every development as proof of his thesis. Thus, there was a simple reason why he had no "reservoir of good will" when the Blair scandal broke: He had kept the staff continuously "outside its comfort zone."

But morale counts. Just ask Arthur Sulzberger Jr., who likes to trot out a stuffed moose to express his sympathies with employees. It's well-known that Sulzberger knew all about Raines's inner bully, but gave him the executive editor job anyway because Raines had promised to be collegial. It seems Raines either didn't understand his promise or never intended to honor it.

Instead, he alienated broad swaths of the newsroom in pursuit of his goals. A 2002 New Yorker profile reported that when Raines talked about changing the metabolism of the Times, some staffers felt he was "assaultive" and "contemptuous." Raines all but confirms the complaints in the Atlantic. "In public," he whines, the executive editor has to be "a constant cheerleader for the whole staff," adding elsewhere, "I won't argue with those who say that my indifference to the approval of individual staff members was a disabling flaw."

As for playing favorites, well, au contraire: Raines writes with a straight face that he was trying to build "an open assignment process based purely on a correspondent's talent, performance record on big stories, and willingness to work diligently under adverse conditions." That chimera of meritocracy is likely to be scoffed at by those who worked outside the star system he denies having assembled.

Raines continues to ignore much of the criticism raised by colleagues before the fall. He makes no mention of having antagonized the D.C. bureau, alienated investigative reporters, and driven talented journalists out. Though at one point he suggests that "taste, honesty, and accuracy" were slowing down the boat, he does not counter the allegation that he sometimes inserted his own opinions into stories, over the objection of reporters who felt he was messing with the facts.

And while he recounts two red-letter days from last spring—when the Times published its comprehensive Blair story, and when the staff assembled to tear Raines apart—he fails to deconstruct the crucial last weeks, which are what this piece should have been about. There is no mention of the press frenzy over Rick Bragg's "toe-touch," of Raines's last-minute attempt to rally the troops, of his farewell to managing editor Gerald Boyd. It seems that Raines's non-disclosure agreement guaranteed there would be no kiss and tell.

The piece ends in mystification. Raines's insistence that no one told him about Blair's history of errors is no more satisfying or credible now than it was a year ago. And as for why Sulzberger canned him, that may remain a mystery forever, because Raines himself doesn't want to know. He writes that his biggest regret is that he didn't buck up the publisher and check his emotional temperature. But don't ask him to learn anything from the process. "Once the essential bond is broken on one side or the other," Raines writes, "the marriage is over. Anything else is just details."



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/30/2004 7:24:01 PM
From: Dayuhan  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 793964
 

most importantly, a "spiritual guide" is someone who is so exalted, so respected by everyone that he is beyond challenge. Hamas has no replacement for Yassin in this regard.

So what? They don't need a replacement.

A military leader has to be alive to function. A dead spiritual leader is every bit as good as a live one, possibly better.

From Bernard Shaw:

Martyrdom, sir, is what these people like. It is the only way a man can become famous without ability.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (36975)3/31/2004 3:26:11 AM
From: D. Long  Respond to of 793964
 
In political terms, this means Hamas will be fragmented and less able to operate in a coordinated fashion to try to take over the Gaza Strip or seize power among the Palestinians generally.

Heck, they were fighting amongst themselves almost immediately.

worldtribune.com
-----------------------------------------------------------
Yassin's top deputy forced to withdraw as new Hamas leader


SPECIAL TO WORLD TRIBUNE.COM
Monday, March 29, 2004
GAZA CITY – Abdul Aziz Rantisi has withdrawn his claim of becoming the new leader of Hamas.

The withdrawal took place hours after Rantisi announced that he was taking over the Islamic insurgency movement in wake of the assassination of Hamas founder Ahmed Yassin. Rantisi's claim of leadership sparked outrage within Hamas -- both in the Gaza Strip as well as abroad.

Ismail Haniya, a leading Hamas figure, dismissed Rantisi's claim of being the new chief of the movement. Haniya said the interim leader of Hamas is Khaled Masha'al, head of the movement's political bureau and based in Damascus. Haniya said the selection of Masha'al was in accordance to the structure of the organization, which is being reexamined in wake of the Israeli assassination of Yassin.

On late Tuesday, 36 hours after the death of Yassin, Rantisi declared himself the new leader of Hamas. Rantisi, a pediatrician by profession, has been regarded as Yassin's chief deputy for the last three years, Middle East Newsline reported.
Rantisi's announcement sparked anger both within the Gaza Strip as well as within the leadership in Syria. Masha'al said the movement's political bureau must first convene to appoint a successor to Yassin.

By late Wednesday, Rantisi appeared to withdraw his claim of being the sole leader of Hamas and acknowledged the role of Masha'al. But Rantisi stressed that the successor to Hamas would come from within the Gaza Strip.

"The successor to Sheik Yassin is the internal leader while Khaled Masha'al is the head of the overseas political bureau," Rantisi said.

For his part, Haniya said Rantisi would be provided with additional authority to administer Hamas. He did not elaborate, but other Hamas veterans said the Shura Council would seek authority for funding and other decisions.

The leadership dispute was believed linked to who would control Hamas funds. Yassin had access to an estimated $30 million a year that entered the Gaza Strip. It has been unclear whether Rantisi -- who on Wednesday was said to have gone underground -- would be given the same responsibility.

"Decisions are made according to democratic principles and are finalized according to the majority, not according to one individual no matter how high-level he is," Mohammed Ghazal, a leading figure in Hamas, said. "Sheik Yassin, may God have mercy, was a leader and a symbol. However, from an organizational aspect, he was subject to the same standards applied to all members of the leadership."

Regardless of his position, Rantisi's biggest challenge would be the restoration of Hamas's infrastructure in the West Bank. Palestinian sources said repeated Israeli strikes have decimated Hamas cells in such cities as Ramallah, Hebron and Jerusalem. They said this could hamper plans by Masha'al and Rantisi to launch a wave of suicide bombings against Israel to avenge the assassination of Yassin.

The sources said Hamas's operational chief, Mohammed Deif, would seek authority for all Hamas strikes. On Wednesday, Rantisi relayed a message to the United States that it would not be a target of a Hamas attack. "We will not strike America," Rantisi said. "Israel is our enemy, not the United States."

On Thursday, 60 Palestinian dignitaries, including several members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, published an appeal in a Palestinian daily that urged Hamas not to avenge the killing of Yassin. The dignitaries said a Hamas offensive against Israel would result in greater suffering for the Palestinians.

The issue of succession would also affect Hamas's policy toward the Palestinian Authority. As Yassin's chief aide, Rantisi boycotted the PA.

"He won't continue with the same rigidity," Rantisi's cousin, Ribhi, said. "He must change a little. He'll become a little more moderate also with the appointments, with the meetings of the PA people, which he used to reject."

In the West Bank, Israeli troops foiled a suicide bombing by a 14-year-old Palestinian outside the northern city of Nablus. Soldiers at a military roadblock were alerted to the boy and ordered him to stop and remove his suicide explosive belt.

During interrogation, the boy said he was given 100 shekels, or about $22, to kill himself, and was promised that he would make love to 72 virgins in heaven, Israeli military sources said. This was the third time this month that a Palestinian boy was used in an attempted suicide bombing attack in the Nablus area.

"In his investigation he cited his motives as the will to prove himself despite his unpopularity among others and the will to earn 72 virgins," an Israeli commander said.