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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: LindyBill who wrote (36994)3/30/2004 3:11:14 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 794430
 
Railroading Consumers

By Stephen Schwartz Tech Central Station

Early in March, the U.S. Appeals Court in the District of Columbia overturned the Federal Communications Commission's 2003 decision that strengthened the hands of state regulators in deciding how access to services provided by the Bell networks could be cheaply assured to competing communications companies.

Under the 2003 rules, Verizon, SBC, BellSouth and Qwest were required to let competitors plug into their networks with the states setting rates for use. The method under which the competitors get access to the giants' facilities is called the Unbundled Network Elements Platform, or UNEP.



If the appeals court decision stands, some 75 percent of capacity used by the firms competing with the Bells will be knocked off by the big systems. At present, such capacity mainly provides services to residential customers and small businesses.



The upshot: reaffirmation of the Bells' power to monopolistically set prices in local markets. You can bet that prices will go up, just as the incentives for the telecom giants to invest in technological innovation will decline.



Absent Supreme Court intervention, the appeals court decision will also bolster the Bell monopoly over broadband services, by limiting DSL access for users of the Bells' telephones to the Bells' own DSL. Customers will be prevented from getting a competing DSL line even if it serves the building they live or work in.



This is particularly troubling at a time when the average U.S. household and small business continues to invest in technology and shops around for competitive rates and of-the-moment improvements like broadband.



The court also deviated from historical precedent in overturning the FCC's decision to delegate more authority to state, as opposed to federal, regulators. The FCC had held that individual state regulators, not the folks in Washington, should decide which parts of the Bell systems should be open to the use of competitors. Prior DC circuit court decisions affirmed that the states were the best-suited to determine what is appropriate for local markets within their jurisdiction. A national policy for so localized a phenomenon as telecom service makes no sense, except for those who want to centralize regulation, reduce consumer choice, and bolster a "Bell Cartel."



The FCC now faces a two-stage political battle, first, to decide whether to appeal to the United States Supreme court. In this area, the commissioners will probably vote 3-2, with commissioners Jonathan Adelstein and Michael Copps, who are Democrats, being joined by commissioner Kevin J. Martin, a Republican, to support the appeal. Commissioner Kathleen Abernathy will probably join chairman Michael Powell, both Republicans, in opposing the appeal. Such a division would reflect the vote for the original decision supporting state authorities.



Second, the Solicitor General must be encouraged to take the case - a key matter in convincing the Supreme Court to hear it.



So much is at stake that the Supreme Court should step in. Politically, it would be untenable to let the Bell Cartel run rampant in raising rates - especially since computer use and, typically, DSL access have increasingly become standard items in every American home. On March 16, a group of U.S. Senators called on the Bush administration to appeal a recent court decision overturning a rule that compelled regional telecom companies to lease their networks to long- distance carriers.



The FCC last year provided state regulators with authority to determine when the Bells may stop providing discounted network access to long-distance competitors such as AT&T and MCI. But that decision was overturned in federal court last month.



Senator Ernest Hollings (D-SC) and colleague Ted Stevens (R-AK), helped write the 1996 Telecom Act, permitting the Bells to enter to long-distance market. In exchange, the Bells had to provide discounted access to long-distance carriers seeking to offer local telephone services.



Hollings and Stevens have told Attorney General John Ashcroft, "At this point, to allow the Bells to offer long-distance using the long-distance networks while denying the long-distance companies comparable access to the Bell networks to provide local service would be patently unfair and anti-competitive."



The intent of the 1996 law was to provide temporary relief to the long-distance carriers. But they, along with the regional companies and the FCC commissioners, cannot reach consensus on ending that relief.



The regional companies claim they are compelled to lease their networks at below-market rates. They also argue that allowing competitors to lease service on their wires reduces the incentive to build long-distance systems.



According to AT&T and MCI the rules are necessary for them to maintain competition. Experts and entrepreneurs warn that if left in place, this latest example of judicial fiat will harm the economy and eliminate choice between carriers.



The average household bill for local and long distance telephone service has fallen some 23 percent, and consumers save about $11 billion per year, since local telephone competition was enacted in 1999, according to industry sources.



The real issue, however, is that regulation is supposed to discourage monopoly, not reaffirm it. That has been the doctrine of federal regulators since the end of the 19th century, when railroads dominated, and abused, entire states. In those dark days, California, for example, was the property of the Southern Pacific company. When, in 1910, an obscure labor lawyer named Hiram Johnson was elected governor of the Golden State, he proclaimed the liberation of California from the railroad interest.



Regulation was the foundation of the original progressive political movement in America, now forgotten, but, as in the telecom industry, necessary when the alternative is a monopolistic hold by one player that reduces choice and increases cost. DSL lines are today what railroad lines were 100 years ago; a technological innovation providing essential public services, which must not be so abused as to put the public interest at risk.



The point of creating the separate Bells was to promote consumer choice. The 1996 Telecom Act was intended to strengthen competition. The Supreme Court should assure that the appeals court's decision is repudiated, and the FCC's principles reaffirmed.



Stephen Schwartz recently wrote for TCS about nuclear technology proliferation.

Copyright © 2004 Tech Central Station - www.techcentralstation.com



To: LindyBill who wrote (36994)3/30/2004 10:55:07 AM
From: JohnM  Respond to of 794430
 
I agree with this WP editorial

Josh Marshall has an interesting take on this editorial. I agree with Josh.

talkingpointsmemo.com

(March 30, 2004 -- 01:00 AM EDT)
Tuesday's Washington Post runs an editorial recommending that the White House allow Condi Rice to testify publicly before the 9/11 Commission.

But the members of the editorial board can only just barely bring themselves to say it. Their desire to give the president (and the underlying policy at issue here) every possible benefit of the doubt wars visibly with their recognition that Rice's continued refusal is no longer tenable.

In that vein ...

Richard A. Clarke's book criticizing the administration, while stimulating an important public debate, brings this concern [keeping advice of presidential aides confidential] into sharp relief. If career national security officials write tell-all accounts while the presidents they serve not only remain in office but are facing reelection, decision-making is bound to suffer. Presidents are more likely to surround themselves with political loyalists, depriving themselves of diverse ideas and valuable experience. Staff members are more likely to censor themselves for fear of later exposure.

In other words, we're only in this terrible mess of having to cross this woeful threshold because this showboater Clarke wrote this book. Friggin' backstabber!

Toward the issue of substance underlying all of this the editorial displays an odd indifference. And the authors are at pains to proclaim their belief that there are no questions Rice would have any difficulty answering or confronting -- a classic case of premature exculpation.

Says the Post: "[W]e see no reason to credit Democratic insinuations that Ms. Rice has something to hide, given that she spent four hours answering the commission's questions in closed session and has offered to answer more."

As for the danger of presidents surrounding themselves "with political loyalists, depriving themselves of diverse ideas and valuable experience", that horse has sort of already left the barn, hasn't it? Or has no one been paying attention?

It's been clear for some time that one of the key shortcomings of this administration is the presence of so many loyalists and ideologues who can usually be counted on to shout "Onward! Onward! Onward!" as the ship of state sails off the edge of the world.

More prosaically one might start with this Knight Ridder article from Sunday, the first sentence of which reads: "Accounts from insiders in the Bush White House describe a tightly controlled, top-down organization that pushes a predetermined agenda, shuns dissenting views and discourages open debate."

What's notable about this is that many of the premises of the Post editorial are belied by excellent reporting which has appeared in their own pages in recent days.

I confess that I don't read newspaper editorials (as opposed to signed columns and opeds) that closely or frequently. But if this and other recent examples I've seen are any indictation, the disconnect between the Post's editorials and the factual information being generated on their own news pages seems to be approaching Wall Street Journal-like proportions.

-- Josh Marshall