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To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (40897)4/1/2004 12:40:00 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
"Debka claims Al Qaeda responsible for our losses in Fallujah"

Message 19974391



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (40897)4/1/2004 1:02:23 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Charlie McCarthy Hearings

_________________

By MAUREEN DOWD
OP-ED COLUMNIST
THE NEW YORK TIMES
April 1, 2004

nytimes.com

Following is the text of a letter sent yesterday to Thomas H. Kean and Lee H. Hamilton of the Sept. 11 commission from Alberto R. Gonzales, counsel to President Bush.

While we continue to hold to the principles underlying the Constitutional separation of powers, that the appropriate and patriotic action for the Commission is to shut down and stop pestering us, the President is prepared, in the interest of comity and popularity, to testify, subject to the conditions set forth below.

The President at all times, even on trips to the men's room, will be accompanied by the Vice President.

The Commission must agree in writing that it will not pose any questions directly to the President. Mr. Bush's statements will be restricted to asides on Dick Cheney's brushoffs, as in "Just like he said," "Roger that" and "Ditto."

Another necessary condition, in keeping with the tenets of executive privilege: Mr. Cheney will require that the Commission observe the rules of his favorite show from the Eisenhower Administration, "What's My Line?" The panelists, in the manner of Dorothy Kilgallen and Bennett Cerf, must try to guess what the President and Vice President didn't know and when they didn't know it through questions that elicit a "yes" or "no."

After 10 "no" answers, the panel will not be allowed to question Mr. Cheney or anyone else in the Administration ever again. In the mystery-guest round, Richard Ben-Veniste, Bob Kerrey and other Democrats on the Commission will be blindfolded.

(Or Mr. Cheney is willing to follow the precedent of Garry Moore and Bess Meyerson, using "I've Got A Secret" rules: The Vice President will whisper a secret about the Administration's inadequate response to terrorism in the President's ear and each panelist will have 30 seconds to question Mr. Cheney in an attempt to guess the secret, which he will not reveal even if they guess right.)

As an additional accommodation, the President and Vice President have now agreed to take a "pinkie oath," looping little fingers with each other, while reserving the right to cross the index and middle fingers of their remaining hands and hide them behind their backs.

We must deny your request that Mr. Cheney bring along a PowerPoint presentation depicting who was in and out of the loop, in accordance with separation-of-PowerPoint principles. The Vice President has decreed that the loop of influence is under the cone of silence.

The White House is taking the extraordinary step of bowing to public opinion — even though Mr. Cheney states that he doesn't give two hoots about public opinion. Therefore, the Vice President will only entertain questions about negligence in fighting terrorism concerning the critical period between Jan. 21, 1993, and Jan. 20, 2001. As President Bush stated on Tuesday, March 30, the Commission must gain "a complete picture of the months and years before Sept. 11."

The Vice President will not address any queries about why no one reacted to George Tenet's daily "hair on fire" alarms to the President about a coming Al Qaeda attack; or why the President was so consumed with chopping and burning cedar on his Crawford ranch that he ignored the warning in an Aug. 6, 2001, briefing that Al Qaeda might try to hijack aircraft; or why the President asked for a plan to combat Al Qaeda in May and then never followed up while Richard Clarke's aggressive plan was suffocated by second-raters; or why the President was never briefed by his counterterrorism chief on anything but cybersecurity until Sept. 11; or why the Administration-in-amber made so many cold war assumptions, such as thinking that terrorists had to be sponsored by a state even as terrorists had taken over a state; or why the President went along with the Vice President and the neocons to fool the American public into believing that Saddam had a hand in the 9/11 attacks; or why the Administration chose to undercut the war on terrorism and inflame the Arab world by attacking Iraq, without a plan to protect our perilously overextended forces or to exit with a realistic hope that a democracy will be left behind.

The Commission must not, under any circumstances, ask the Vice President why American soldiers and civilians in Iraq are being greeted with barbarous infernos rather than flowery bouquets.

Finally, we request that when the President finishes with this painful teeth-pulling visit, the Commission shall offer him a lollipop.

E-mail: liberties@nytimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (40897)4/2/2004 12:36:50 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Fallujah Punctures Washington's Optimism
________________

by Jim Lobe

Published on Friday, April 2, 2004 by the Inter Press Service

WASHINGTON - April Fools' Day is traditionally one of good-natured mischief, but not this year. Indeed, U.S. President George W. Bush's trademark smirk, which normally fits the day's spirit almost to a T, was nowhere to be seen Thursday.

The reason was clear enough: Iraq suddenly, if gruesomely, recaptured the headlines with Wednesday's horrific killings of four private U.S. security contractors, whose fiery and grisly end at the hands of an angry mob in the chronically rebellious city of Fallujah was caught on videotape.

While television and cable networks here censored or otherwise obscured the most graphic images of their deaths and mutilation, the public Thursday was still absorbing the meaning of the images that so clearly recalled the grisly scenes in Mogadishu, Somalia more than 10 years ago.

Then, 18 U.S. servicemen were killed and some of them mutilated and dragged through city streets in what became the basis not only for the best-selling book and Hollywood movie, 'Blackhawk Down', but also, and more importantly for foreign-policy purposes, for the speedy withdrawal of U.S. forces from Somalia.

While few expect a similar reaction now, the fiery re-emergence of Iraq in the public consciousness -- after a relatively calm month when it was pushed to the back pages -- makes it clear that the Bush administration's optimistic depictions of the situation there might be as misleading as its pre-war claims about Baghdad's weapons of mass destructions (WMD) and ties to the al-Qaeda terrorist group of Osama bin Laden.

Such a conclusion was reinforced by the coincidence Wednesday of the worst single attack on U.S. forces in several months. Five U.S. soldiers were killed when their armored personnel carrier ran over a particularly powerful ''improvised explosive device'' on a highway not far from Fallujah.

That incident brought to 48 the number of U.S. military combat fatalities in March, making it the worst month since last November, and bringing the total U.S. combat toll since May 1, when Bush declared an end to major hostilities, to a new milestone: 600..

The March toll was more than double February's. Military officials also said Wednesday that the average number of attacks against occupation forces, at about two dozen a day -- or more than twice the January rate -- remains on an upward trajectory toward their height last November, when more than 80 servicemen were killed.

Attacks against foreign civilians are also on the rise. Twelve were killed in March, the highest toll to date. Among the victims were four missionary workers and several other security guards, including a Canadian and Briton, who were gunned down last Sunday in Mosul, also to the cheers of a crowd of onlookers.

As noted by veteran 'New York Times' correspondent John Burns on Thursday, both the Fallujah murders and the latest roadside killings should prompt military and occupation officials to re-think their conclusions in early February that foreign and local Islamist terrorists had replaced loyalists of former President Saddam Hussein in the ''Sunni Triangle'' of north-central Iraq as their principal enemy in the country and that they had ''turned the corner'' in putting down the insurgency of the Ba'ath Party supporters.

''This reminds me so much of Vietnam, it's scary'', Lawrence Korb, a senior Pentagon official under President Ronald Reagan (1981-89), told the 'Washington Post' Thursday. ''Every time in Vietnam that we kept saying there was light at the end of the tunnel, then something horrible would happen''.

The pattern of these attacks suggested to T.X. Hammes, a senior military fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies who just returned from a two-month assignment in Iraq, that occupation forces face a real insurgency that will not be defeated in the short term.

''They plan to beat us'', he wrote, adding that the opposition now consists of disparate groups who are loosely allied ''to drive the U.S.-led coalition out of Iraq''.

The ''quality'' of the mob's violence in the attack on the four security workers -- all former members of U.S. Special Operations Forces -- also struck Juan Cole, an Iraq specialist at the University of Michigan, as both remarkable and ominous.

''The degree of hatred for the new order among ordinary people is bad news'', he wrote in his daily ''blog'' (Internet journal). ''It helps explain why so few of the Sunni Arab guerrillas have been caught, since the locals hide and help them”.

''It also seems a little unlikely that further U.S. military action can do anything practical to put down this insurgency; most actions it could take would simply inflame the public against them all the more'' Cole added.

Nonetheless, tougher measures were precisely what was urged by the neo-conservative 'Wall Street Journal', which called for occupation forces to institute military trials and executions of irregulars, a recommendation not immediately accepted by the military in Iraq, whose chief spokesman, Army Brig Gen Mark Kimmitt, however, promised to ''hunt down'' those responsible for the killings and ''pacify that city''.

Washington had been hoping that the transition to the Jun. 30 handover of sovereignty from the U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) to an interim Iraqi government and initial disbursements of some 18 billion dollars in U.S. reconstruction and other economic funds would also help to curb the insurgency.

But continuing maneuvering by various factions and personalities in the Iraqi Governing Council (IGC) and the persistent uncertainty about the United Nations' role in the transition have reportedly contributed to a rise, rather than a lessening, in sectarian tensions.

At the same time, the growing insecurity, particularly in the Sunni Triangle, is raising serious questions about how economic development and the investments that it is supposed to promote can proceed.

This was highlighted by a State Department warning earlier this week that the safety of U.S. citizens attending a major trade and investment exposition in Baghdad next week could not be assured.

Coming on the heels of the pledge by Spain's incoming prime minister to withdraw Madrid's 1,300 troops in Iraq, the renewed attention to the security situation there also raises new doubts about the continued presence of other foreign peacekeepers and the willingness of foreign businesspeople to travel there. Two Finnish businessmen were killed by assailants last month.

Nor is the instability confined solely to the Sunni-dominated region.

Cole also noted that Wednesday's incidents in the Sunni Triangle obscured another ominous event in Baghdad itself, where several thousand Shiites protested the CPA's controversial closure earlier this week of the 'al-Hawzah' newspaper of Muqtada al-Sadr. The authority said the paper was circulating wild and unfounded rumors and deliberately inciting the population against the occupation.

According to Cole, al-Sadr, a radical rival of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, has only rarely been able to mobilize a demonstration of that size, and his ability to do so now, after several months in which Sistani appeared to have moved him to the shadows, could herald a rise in his influence, ironically aided by the CPA's ham-handed actions.

The Journal, which often reflects the views of Pentagon hawks who oversee the occupation from Washington, defended the newspaper's closure and suggested that the military consider arresting al-Sadr.

Copyright © 2004 IPS-Inter Press Service