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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: lurqer who wrote (42130)4/10/2004 5:30:54 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
John Dean's new book 'Worse Than WaterGate' is flying off the shelves...when I got out of my project site in Michigan today I went to a local Barnes & Noble and they told me they have sold out of Worse Than WaterGate (across the country)...More are on backorder...I guess I'll have to order from Amazon <G>...

Is Dubya's Presidency Even Poorer Than Tricky Dick's?

writ.findlaw.com

A Review of John Dean's Worse Than Watergate

By EDWARD LAZARUS
----
Friday, Apr. 09, 2004

As someone who came of age during the Senate Watergate hearings, I brought considerable skepticism to Worse than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush -- the new book by John Dean, former counsel to President Richard Nixon (and my fellow Findlaw columnist).

And in the end, my skepticism won out: Dean's lively indictment of the Bush presidency failed to persuade me that our current leadership is indeed more dangerous than Nixon's presidency, as the book's title suggests. However, Dean's work did succeed in its larger and more important purpose: namely, to instill in all its readers a deep concern about the direction of our national leadership and the vitality of our democracy.

Worse than Watergate is at its best when making the case that the Bush White House shares with the Nixon White House two traits - an obsession with secrecy, and a penchant for dishonesty - that are fundamentally corrosive of democracy. Dean paints a picture of a government that manufactures dishonest justifications for its policies, at the same time that it closes off public access to government decisionmaking.

As Dean makes clear, that is a formula for rendering a government that is nominally accountable, unaccountable to its citizens. And that lack of accountability is, in turn, something no true democracy can long survive.

Impressively Specific, Savvy Evidence and Analysis

In fashioning his critique, Dean naturally draws on his time in the Nixon White House. His mode of analysis calls to mind the former professional athletes - a Phil Simms or Glenn Reynolds -- who provide down-and-dirty insight into the world of sports based on years of real-world experience.

Just as a former quarterback can enhance a NFL broadcast with knowledge of exactly how to pick apart a zone defense, so too Dean uses his been-there-done-that understanding of political hardball to enliven his narrative.

For instance, Dean compiles an impressive bill of particulars to support one of his claims, especially: the contention that President Bush and Vice-President Cheney share an overwhelming and regrettable obsession with secrecy.

Some of Dean's examples are pretty well-known. One is the Administration's refusal to identify the Guantanamo detainees, or to provide them access to lawyers. Another is Cheney's desperate effort to keep secret the workings of his energy policy task force. And yet another is Bush's withholding of information (including, it now turns out, lots of Clinton-era documents) from the Commission investigating the causes of 9/11.

Sketching A History of Secrecy That Long Predated Bush and Cheney's Accession

But Dean also covers less familiar terrain. In fact, one of his main contributions is to show the pervasiveness of the Bush/Cheney commitment to secrecy, and how it actually long pre-dated their capturing the White House.

For example, as Dean traces in depressing detail, Bush has successfully thwarted probing investigation of his pre-presidential record. The public still does not know the full story behind the sweetheart business deals that made Bush independently wealthy. And we know far less than we should about Bush's tenure as Texas governor.

Why? As Dean shows, it is largely due to the way Bush, with the help of some down home political cronies, has managed to evade Texas' open government laws, and sequester the papers associated with his governorship.

There can be little doubt that the cloak of secrecy drawn over Bush's past helped gain Bush the presidency. And, as Dean recounts, the same tactic is at work in Bush's push for re-election.

Bush has been stunningly effective at control the flow of information from the White House. By surrounding himself with zealous anti-leakers, and by holding the press at bay, Bush and his team have proven masters at presidential myth-making.

Granted, with respect to at least some of Bush's secrecy initiatives, one could imagine a more charitable spin than the one Dean gives. All candidates try to limit the quantity of potentially damaging available to opponents. (Howard Dean prevented access to his gubernatorial papers too).

And Bush is certainly not the first president to try to limit leaks and gull the White House press corps. Indeed, one might ask which is more to be faulted: A president exercising control over information, or a press corps that has shown itself to be remarkably docile in pursuing such information?

There is no explaining away, however, the Bush/Cheney record of flat out lying to the American people - and Dean is effective at pursuing this theme as well.

Secrets And Lies: Dean's Second Major Charge Is of Bush Administration Dishonesty

What is most striking about Dean's account of Bush Administration deceptions is the sheer breadth and pure brazenness of the Administration's willingness to mislead.

The subject matter Dean covers ranges from Cheney's denial of ties between Halliburton (the company he used to run) and Iraq, to the deceptive cost figures that Bush advanced for his Medicare reform proposals, to the false justifications for any number of initiatives cutting back on environmental protection.

It isn't just that the Administration tells so many whoppers; the really amazing thing is the way they never back down even when caught. Instead, as Joe Wilson and Richard Clarke and so many others are finding out, the Administration's M.O. is to destroy the reputations of those few critics who have the courage to stand up and be counted.

With a nudge from Dean, the Nixonian analogies jump off the page. But this is not the same, in the end, as showing the Bush is worse than Nixon -- and thus, Dean's book, while an eminently worthwhile read, does not quite live up to its title.

A Very Poor Record -- But Not Actually Worse Than Watergate, In My View

Consider the range of illegal and unconstitutional activity that has been subsumed under the umbrella of "Watergate" - the domestic spying, the secret war in Cambodia, the enemies lists, slush funds, and other "dirty tricks." Taken together, all this still, in my mind, significantly outweigh the even the grave misdeeds of the current Administration.

To conclude otherwise, as Dean has, requires an acceptance of two additional concepts -- and in the end, I can accept neither.

First, Dean postulates the existence of an extra-democratic "shadow" government in the Bush Administration. He argues that, when it come to foreign policy, the Administration has marshaled a cabal of neo-conservative intellectuals who dominate foreign policy.

Perhaps I am biased; some of these intellectuals are close friends. But it is hardly a secret that the Bush/Cheney foreign policy gets its intellectual firepower from the neo-conservative movement.

And, so what? While I share some of Dean's objections to the Administration's foreign policy, I cannot find anything objectionable with having important players, such as Cheney, drawing on the thinking of like-minded intellectuals. Indeed, this seems like a potential advantage.

Second, Dean suggests that Bush deliberately lied about Iraq's possession of WMD to trick the nation into going to war. That may be true, but it is as yet unproven. If proved, however, it would certainly, as Dean suggests, warrant the comparison with Nixon, and justify a similar fate: impeachment.

Dean does a masterful job of showing how perversely stubborn Bush has been on this topic - basically repeating falsehoods, instead of admitting mistakes. But I am not yet so cynical as to believe that Bush knew in advance that his claims were false, and that he knowingly lied the nation into war.

More likely, I think, Bush was so hell bent on invading Iraq that he convinced himself of a truth based on faulty evidence. That is a terrible sin. But not the same as deliberately misleading the country into the disaster that Iraq has become.

At the end of the day, however, what is most important about Dean's new book is not whether one agrees with all its charges. Rather, it is the book's other, considerable merits: Its savvy, experienced analysis, and its collection and synthesis of so many damning facts about this Administration.

Bush/Cheney may not be worse than Watergate, but the Administration is plenty bad enough to cause heartache for anyone who cares about how our government is run. And fortunately, since Bush isn't running against Nixon, we will never have to make the unhappy comparison as to which of these terrible presidents is actually the worse.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Edward Lazarus, a FindLaw columnist, writes about, practices, and teaches law in Los Angeles. A former federal prosecutor, he is the author of two books - most recently, Closed Chambers: The Rise, Fall, and Future of the Modern Supreme Court.



To: lurqer who wrote (42130)4/10/2004 5:40:12 PM
From: lurqer  Respond to of 89467
 
The War's One Simple Truth

Iraqis Do Not Want Us


ROBERT FISK

A war founded on illusions, lies and right-wing ideology was bound to founder in blood and fire. Saddam had weapons of mass destruction. He was in contact with al-Qa'ida, he was involved with the crimes against humanity of 11 September. The people of Iraq would greet us with flowers and music. There would be a democracy.

Even the pulling-down of Saddam's statue was a fraud. An American military vehicle tugged the wretched thing down while a crowd of only a few hundred Iraqis watched. Where were the tens of thousands who should have pulled it down themselves, who should have been celebrating their "liberation"?

On the night of 9 April last year, the BBC even managed to find a "commentator" to heap abuse on me and The Independent for using quotation marks around the word "liberation".

In fact, freedom from Saddam's dictatorship in those early days and weeks meant freedom to loot, freedom to burn, freedom to kidnap, freedom to murder. The initial American and British blunder--to allow the mobs to take over Baghdad and other cities--was followed by the arrival of the far more sinister squads of arsonists who systematically destroyed every archive, every government ministry (save for Oil and Interior which were, of course, secured by US troops), Islamic manuscripts, national archives and irreplaceable antiquities. The very cultural identity of Iraq was being annihilated.

Yet still the Iraqis were supposed to rejoice in their "liberation". The occupying power sneered at reports that women were being kidnapped and violated--in fact, the abductions of men as well as women were at the rate of 20 a day and may now be as high as 100 a day--and steadfastly refused to calculate the numbers of Iraqi civilians killed each day by gunmen, thieves and American troops.

Even this week, as the promises and lies and obfuscations fell apart, the American military spokesman was still only able to give military casualties--this when more than 200 Iraqis are reported to have been killed in the US attack on Fallujah.

Over the months, the isolation of the occupation authorities from the Iraqi people they were supposed to care so much about was only paralleled by the vast distance in false hope and self-deceit between the occupying powers in Baghdad and their masters back in Washington.

Paul Bremer, America's proconsul in Iraq, started off by calling the resistance "party remnants", which is exactly what the Russians used to call their Afghan opponents after they invaded Afghanistan in 1979. Then Mr Bremer called them "diehards". Then he called them "dead-enders". And, as the attacks against US forces increased around Fallujah and other Sunni Muslim cities, we were told this area was the "Sunni triangle", even though it is much larger than that implies and has no triangular shape.

So when President Bush made his notorious trip to the Abraham Lincoln to announce the end of all "major military operations"--beneath a banner claiming "Mission Accomplished"--and when attacks against US troops continued to rise, it was time to rewrite the chapter on post-war Iraq. "Foreign fighters" were now in the battle, according to the US Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld. The US media went along with this nonsense, even though not a single al-Qa'ida operative has been arrested in Iraq and of the 8,500 "security detainees" in American hands, only 150 appear to be from outside Iraq. Just 2 per cent.

Then as winter approached and Saddam was caught and the anti-American resistance continued, the occupying powers and their favourite journalists began to warn of civil war, something no Iraqi has ever indulged in and which no Iraqi has ever been heard discussing. Iraq was now to be frightened into submission. What would happen if the Americans and British left? Civil war, of course. And we don't want civil war, do we?

The Shia remained quiescent, their leadership divided between the scholarly and pro-Western Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani and the impetuous but intelligent Muqtada Sadr. They opened their mass graves and mourned those thousands who were tortured and executed by Saddam's butchery and then asked why we used to support Saddam, why it took us 20 years to discover the need to stage our humanitarian invasion.

If the occupation authorities had bothered to study the results of a conference on Iraq held by the Centre for Arab Unity Studies in Beirut recently, they might be forced to acknowledge what they cannot admit: that their opponents are Iraqis and that this is an Iraqi insurgency.

An Iraqi academic, Sulieman Jumeili, who lives in the city of Fallujah, told how he discovered that 80 per cent of all rebels killed were Iraqi Islamist activists. Only 13 per cent of the dead men were primarily nationalists and only 2 per cent had been Baathists.

But we cannot accept these statistics. Because if this is an Iraqi revolt against us, how come they aren't grateful for their liberation? So, after the atrocities in Fallujah just over a week ago when four US mercenaries were killed, mutilated and dragged through the streets, General Ricardo Sanchez, the US commander in Iraq, sanctioned what is preposterously called "Operation Vigilant Resolve". And now that Sadr's thousands of Shia militiamen had joined in the battle against the Americans, General Sanchez had to change the narrative yet again.

No longer were his enemies Saddam "remnants" or even al-Qa'ida; they were now "a small (sic) group of criminals and thugs". The Iraqi people would not be allowed to fall under their sway, General Sanchez said. There was "no place for a renegade militia".

So the marines smashed their way into Fallujah, killing more than 200 Iraqis, including women and children, while using tanks fire and helicopter gunships against gunmen in the Baghdad slums of Sadr City. It took a day or two to understand what new self-delusion had taken over the US military command. They were not facing a country-wide insurgency. They were liberating the Iraqis all over again! So, of course, this will mean a few more "major military operations". Sadr goes on the wanted list for a murder after an arrest warrant that no one told us about when it was mysteriously issued months ago--supposedly by an Iraqi judge--and General Mark Kimmitt, General Sanchez's number two, told us confidently that Sadr's militia will be "destroyed".

And so the bloodbath spreads ever further across Iraq. Kut and Najaf are now outside the control of the occupying powers. And with each new collapse, we are told of new hope. Yesterday, General Sanchez was still talking about his "total confidence" in his troops who were "clear in their purpose", how they were making "progress" in Fallujah and how--these are his actual words, "a new dawn is approaching".

Which is exactly what US commanders were saying exactly a year ago today--when US troops drove into the Iraqi capital and when Washington boasted of victory against the Beast of Baghdad.

counterpunch.com

lurqer