SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: lurqer who wrote (42156)4/10/2004 11:27:05 PM
From: Harvey Allen  Respond to of 89467
 
US Troops Pull out of Major Centers as Iraqi Security Forces and Interim Government Buckle

DEBKAfile Exclusive Report

April 10, 2004, 12:43 PM (GMT+02:00)





On Friday, April 9 – Day Six of the Shiite radical uprising - the tide turned in the Iraq war. US-led forces in Iraq were thrown back to the point they had reached exactly one year ago when Saddam Hussein’s colossal statue was toppled by joyous Iraqis.

They were faced, according to DEBKAfile’s exclusive military and intelligence sources, with a row of devastating setbacks: ministers were quitting the provisional Iraqi Governing Council set up to hold the fort of government until the handover of sovereignty on June 30; large parts of the New Iraqi Army, police, border guard, protective units for oil installations and intelligence, trained and financed by Washington, were breaking down. Some Iraqi units were handing their weapons and surrendering to the nearest insurgent militias, whether the rebellions radical Shiite Mehdi Army or other guerrilla groups, including al Qaeda.

The third element of the picture flowed from the first two: US troops were ordered to de-escalate military action and pull back from the major fronts of Baghdad’s sprawling northern Shiite slum known as Sadr City, the northern oil city of Mosul and Ar Ramadi at the western tip of the Sunni Triangle. They were told that further coalition troop advances were bound to cause an unacceptable level of civilian and troop casualties.

This was the real background to the unilateral US suspension of hostilities on April 9 in the hotbed town of Falllujah, scene of the brutal lynching of four American contractors on March 31.

Saturday, April 10, US Brig.Gen Kimmit called on Iraqi insurgents in Fallujahto join the ceasefire declared unilaterally by US forces and negotiate a way out of the crisis. The call went unheeded as guerrillas continued to attack.

Most surprisingly, American and allied forces were stopped in their tracks not by a popular Iraqi revolution or a mighty army, but by the spotty “strike and scoot” tactics of a radical militia, the ragtag Mehdi Army led by a fringe Shiite leader, 31-year old Moqtada Sadr.

His tactics, meticulously plotted by masterminds in Iran and the Hizballah, proved capable of breaking up the military, political and economic edifice the Bush administration had created at great cost on the road to a future democracy.

The impact of the Iraqi reverses on US standing in the world and the Middle East and George W. Bush’s re-election prospects will not be long in coming. America’s allies in the region are aghast. Their leaders are witnessing a stage in the Iraq war in which US-led forces are falling back against the combined strength of terrorists and their sponsors, Iran, Hizballah, Syria, al Qaeda and Iraqi Shiite radicals. The thought has occurred to Jerusalem that this anti-American coalition may well decide to sidestep a direct military confrontation with the American army and follow up its Iraq successes with a newly invigorated military-terrorist offensive against Israel.

This sharpened threat looms at the very moment that Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon is working against all odds to sell President Bush and his own Likud Party a plan for Israel’s unilateral disengagement from the Palestinians and renunciation of all Gaza and a handful of West bank settlements. This plan would render Jewish state extremely vulnerable to enemy action, a fact that will not be lost on the winning coalition in Iraq which also sustains the extremist Hamas, or on the Palestinian terrorist movement as a whole.

Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip would be a gift to Hamas, delivering into the hands of the terrorists threatening to overrun Iraq the further gain of an open enclave, haven and base, on the Mediterranean, that would hem Israel in from the south. They would acquire this asset on top of the Lebanese and Syrian bases on its northern border where the terrorists and their Iranian backers are already poised to strike.

DEBKAfile’s military sources uncover for the first time the sequence of events unfolding in the last 48 hours that brought the US-led coalition army to its present impasse:

1. Thursday night, April 8, US forces, diverted to regain the southern town of al Kut from Sadr’s militia, rolled into the town center. They rolled out again with all speed once they saw the steady barrage directed against them could be halted only by a heavy bombardment of the streets and residential districts with resultant heavy civilian casualties.

2. Later that morning, Shiite and Sunni militias turned their guns on Al Ghraib the hub northwest of Baghdad of American supply routes from the capital to Fallujah, Ramadi and on to the Jordanian capital of Amman. Their gunmen blew up and set fire to an American fuel and food truck, causing casualties, and went on to seize the Al Ghraib semi-military airfield.

3. Conflicting statements issuing from US authorities on the state of play in Fallujah created hours of confusion on Thursday. Administrator Paul Bremer announced a unilateral suspension of military action for humanitarian aid to enter the besieged city and for Iraqi mediators to begin talks with Iraqi guerrilla chiefs; Deputy Director of Operations Brig.-Gen Mark Kimmit countered by stating fighting was continuing, while the US command ordered the troops to hold their fire. Hostilities were halted in Falluja for the same reason US forces redeployed outside al Kut and, as we shall see below, Ar Ramadi: The only way to forcibly seize control of the town centers was to mow down entire civilian populations. Already, the six-day Falluja battle had reportedly claimed 478 Iraqi lives and a civilian exodus had begun, threatening further disorder. US casualties were also climbing too fast – 45 in a week.

4. The same deadly cause-and-effect spiral caused the US command to check its military advance in Ar Ramadi, a key point on strategic route known as The Corridor between the Tharthar and Habbaniyah Lakes. Held in place, American troops had to forego their planned offensive against the mixed Shiite-Sunni forces overrunning large areas between Ar Ramadi and the southern outskirts of Kirkuk.

DEBKAfile’s military sources reveal that, several weeks ago, Mehdi Army commanders struck a deal with local Sunni and Turkomen tribal chiefs to allow several hundred secretly trained Shiite fighters to cross their lands en route from Baghdad and Samarra to points north. The militiamen have joined up with the Sunni guerrillas and al Qaeda bands. The have fetched up together outside Kirkuk. The American non-advance leaves this dangerous enclave in northern Iraq free to build up its strength – but for another factor:

5. To meet the encroaching peril, the Kurds of the north have moved military units out of Suleimaniyah and Kirkuk and redeployed them further south at the Turkoman town of Tuz Khumato. The two Kurdish leaders Jalal Talabani and Massoud Barzani have warned Washington that if Shiite and Sunni militias move any further north towards Kirkuk, the Kurdish armies will push southward and smash them - a threat that raises the dread specter of an ethnic bloodbath.

6. Friday afternoon, intelligence reached the US command that a combined Shiite-Sunni-al Qaeda attack on Mosul was in the offing. US forces were ordered to evacuate bases in the city area and barricade themselves in camps outside. The immediate result was the breakdown of Iraqi administrative and police authority in this part of northwestern Iraq. Iraqi police and security officers began surrendering to the various militias including al Qaeda and handing over the weapons distributed by the Americans. The breakdown touched off the flight of tens of thousands from the Sunni suburbs of Mosul. This exodus together with the refugees heading out of Fallujah adds up to a swelling stream of more 100,000 Iraqis moving on the highways of northern and western Iraq to escape hostilities and find safe havens.

7. US forces withdrew from Baghdad’s Sadr City suburb at the same time as they left Mosul. By Friday nightfall, the last US patrol had left the hostile suburb to the control of Sadr’s militia in the hope of stemming further bloodshed on both sides. Saturday morning, however, the Shiite militia turned their guns again on US troops in Baghdad.

8. The breakdown of the US-designed Iraqi security apparatuses in Mosul and Baghdad is catching on fast in other apparently stable parts of the country. According to DEBKAfile’s military sources, a wave of desertions is sweeping the 150,000-strong command and rank-and-file levels of the Iraqi army, border guard and police.

9. Faced with these desertions, the Iraqi Governing Council is beginning to fall apart as one minister after another abandons the government and security ship painstakingly built by Bremer. Turning on its maker, the IGC demands that the US halt its military offensive in Iraq without delay.

10. The hostage-taking campaign waged by the lawless militias is part of a campaign of terror to drive America’s allies into withdrawing their troops from Iraq, so stripping the United States of its international allied support.

debka.com



To: lurqer who wrote (42156)4/11/2004 12:55:01 AM
From: Wharf Rat  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
"We will attack to destroy the Mahdi's army". One more victory like that, and we will lose the war.
It's been a great worry to me that we are following the Israeli model for peace. Leveling houses, destroying olive groves, whatever; a head for an eye, a whole body for a head, whatever.
Bad model. If it worked, there would have been peace in Israel 20 years ago. They have stupidly reacted in manners which further resentment and hatred. Now , we are doing the same.
I know what doesn't work; I just don't know what works, other than getting the hell out of Dodge. Only problem is, if we leave Dodge, who is the marshal?
I'm confused, man. It's not like Nam. There is absolutely no body in charge if we walk.Disaster. However, if we don't walk, disaster. If we walk, a bunch of Iraqis die. If we stay, a bunch of Americans and a bunch of Iraqis die. We need a big, big can to put all the worms back.

Shrub has some mighty bad karma.

Rat



To: lurqer who wrote (42156)4/11/2004 1:40:18 AM
From: Satish C. Shah  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
"Believing this as I do, I have concluded that I should not permit the Presidency to become involved in the partisan divisions that are developing in this political year.

With America's sons in the fields far away, with America's future under challenge right here at home, with our hopes and the world's hopes for peace in the balance every day, I do not believe that I should devote an hour or a day of my time to any personal partisan causes or to any duties other than the awesome duties of this office--the Presidency of your country.

Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President."

Sounds familiar? It should. I can only hope that it will be repeated soon.



To: lurqer who wrote (42156)4/11/2004 1:55:42 AM
From: lurqer  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
As fighting continues, quest to bring democracy to Iraq nears failure

WARREN P. STROBEL

WASHINGTON - (KRT) - President Bush invaded Iraq hoping to spread democracy across the Middle East, but after the worst week of violence since Saddam Hussein was overthrown, he's now struggling to avoid a costly, humiliating defeat.

"It was going to transform the Middle East, remember? Now all we want to do is save our butts," said former U.S. ambassador David Mack, vice president of the Washington-based Middle East Institute, a nonpartisan research center that concentrates on Arab states.

The president, like many of his predecessors in the White House, faces competing pressures over the course of a war. Polls show that Americans, while not demanding immediate withdrawal, are growing discontented with Bush's handling of Iraq and the rising tide of casualties. At least 45 Americans - soldiers, Marines and an airman in a mortar attack reported Saturday - were killed this week in spreading rebellions by a Shiite militia and Sunni Muslims.

Yet backing away now could leave Iraq worse off than it was before, many government officials and private experts believe. They fear a failed state, like Afghanistan was in the early 1990s, would spawn terrorism and destabilize its neighbors. Those neighbors could include pivotal U.S. allies in the Persian Gulf, such as oil-rich Saudi Arabia, where instability could pose troubling implications for the global economy.

In his weekly radio address to the nation Saturday, President Bush denounced the Iraqi insurgents as "a small faction" and "a band of thugs" who are "attempting to derail Iraqi democracy and seize power." Bush vowed to defeat them and insisted that sovereignty will be turned over to an as yet unidentified Iraqi government as scheduled on June 30.

Bush emphasized as well that U.S. forces will remain in Iraq "as long as necessary" to help restore stability there. "America is fighting on the side of liberty," Bush said, "liberty in Iraq and liberty in the Middle East." Ultimately that will make the lives of people there better and thus make America and the world more secure, he said.

But senior administration officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were casting doubt on administration policy, say they are growing concerned about the American public's long-term patience with the war.

Polls show a majority of Americans continue to believe that invading Iraq in March 2003 was the right thing to do. But a survey by the Pew Research Center, taken after last week's grisly killing and mutilation of four U.S. security contractors in the city of Fallujah, found that 44 percent favored bringing American troops back from Iraq, up from 32 percent in January. Fifty percent favored keeping the troops in Iraq.

Small anti-war protests broke out Saturday in Washington across from the White House and around the country. They were called on short notice this week by the Washington-based A.N.S.W.E.R. (Act Now to Stop War & End Racism) Coalition, which demands that U.S. troops be brought home now.

"It's falling apart, we have no real control over there," said John Maxwell, 46, one of about 250 protesters at the Washington rally and march. "I think America should say, `We made a huge mistake,' and bring the troops home."

While anti-war protests so far are small and no more than symbolic of public discontent, Peter Feaver, a Duke University specialist on public opinion and war, said the renewed violence in Iraq could ultimately lead Americans to conclude that the United States cannot achieve its goals there.

Feaver said he is taking a poll, not yet complete, that is finding that a large majority of Americans favor - for now _escalating U.S. military operations against the Iraqi insurgents rather than hunkering down to avoid casualties.

The situation is different from Vietnam in two ways, Feaver said.

First, Bush and his aides have been careful not to claim that reconstructing Iraq would be easy, unlike Lyndon Johnson's administration, which claimed to see "light at the end of the tunnel" in Vietnam in the mid-'60s. When Vietnam got worse, Johnson's credibility was shot.

Second, Feaver said, most of Bush's critics, including Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry, don't favor a precipitous U.S. withdrawal. Kerry calls for more international help, but he too argues that a failed state in Iraq is too great a hazard to risk.

Bush and his top aides insist the United States will stay the course and proceed as planned with the June 30 handover. One reason why is that the potential consequences of pulling out now could be horrifying.

Senior U.S. officials say a U.S. retreat would embolden radical Muslims, who would claim credit for defeating America. It might also spark Sunni-Shiite clashes in oil-rich Bahrain, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.

Bush's stated goal that a free and stable Iraq could improve the Middle East was "a reach," said Ole Holsti, a professor of political science at Duke University. But "at this point, to leave a mess leaves the neighborhood even worse than it was. And it does nothing for our credibility."

Mack, of the Middle East Institute, agreed.

"If Iraq descends into the kind of chaotic situation that we allowed to take place in Afghanistan" after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989, "you're going to have this huge black hole spawning terrorism, narcotics trafficking, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction," he said.

U.S. friends in the region, such as Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, say the United States made a lot of mistakes "but for God's sake, don't pull out now," Mack said. "They're terrified of the regional instability."

Not everyone thinks withdrawal is a bad idea.

Charles Pena, of the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank that opposes most U.S. entanglements abroad, said the United States should cut its losses, leave Iraq and refocus on the al-Qaida terror network and other threats to the homeland. Washington could threaten that U.S. forces will return if U.S. interests are threatened, he said.

"This (war) is no longer about U.S. national survival - if it was to begin with," said Pena. He said a chaotic Iraq wouldn't necessarily pose a threat to U.S. vital interests. And while Iraq might descend into chaos if the United States leaves, "our staying doesn't guarantee that it won't."

The planned June 30 handover promises to be more symbolic than real, for Pentagon planners intend to keep U.S. military forces in Iraq indefinitely.

There's no agreement yet on how to form an interim Iraqi government, pending the completion of a mission to Baghdad by U.N. envoy Lakhdar Brahimi. The leading option, according to Secretary of State Colin Powell, is to expand the U.S.-appointed, 25-member Iraqi Governing Council. But Powell acknowledged this week that, whatever form the Iraqi government takes, it will need U.S. military backing to survive.

"They are going to need us for security for some time to come," Powell told a Senate Appropriations subcommittee.

Bush's best hope to lower the U.S. profile appears to be to internationalize the effort by asking the United Nations to craft a political solution and protect U.N. workers organizing elections next year. But the price could be more, not fewer, U.S. troops and ceding some political control to the world body, something Bush has been loath to do.

Mack said Bush's credibility to sell such solutions to Americans has been damaged by prewar claims from Vice President Dick Cheney and others that U.S. troops would be welcomed in Iraq.

"This was going to be a permissive environment," Mack said. "Plus, there was a ready-made alternative to Saddam and his regime. And it wasn't even going to cost us very much money."

All such assurances turned out to be illusions.

mercurynews.com

lurqer