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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: X Y Zebra who wrote (563008)4/11/2004 2:23:56 PM
From: Skywatcher  Respond to of 769670
 
The REAL issue at hand has yet to be answered/////
WHO OK'D THIS TERRORIST FLIGHT?
After 9/11: the Saudis Who Slipped Away


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COMMENTARY




By Craig Unger
When the 9/11 commission resumes its hearings Tuesday, it will be fascinating to see whether it addresses what may be the most serious security failure related to the attacks: the evacuation of about 140 Saudis almost immediately after 9/11.

Think about it: U.S. intelligence knew that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudi. Analysts also knew that Saudi money was a major force behind Al Qaeda. And, of course, Osama bin Laden, the perpetrator of the worst crime on American soil, was Saudi.

It is standard practice in murder investigations to interview friends and relatives of the primary suspect. One of the highest U.S. security priorities should have been the interrogation of Bin Laden's relatives and other Saudis who, inadvertently or not, may have funded him.

"Certainly it would be my expectation that they would do that," says Oliver "Buck" Revell, former associate deputy director of the FBI. And it should not have been difficult. U.S. airspace was almost entirely locked down. Virtually no one could fly. Nevertheless, the Saudi Arabian Embassy was able to organize a massive operation to evacuate these citizens from the U.S.

It began with a chartered flight from Tampa, Fla., to Lexington, Ky., on Sept. 13. Soon there were at least eight planes stopping in 12 U.S. cities to fly Saudis out. About two dozen passengers were related to Bin Laden. Because of the lockdown, the initial flight required authorization from the highest levels of government — and specifically from the White House. Former counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke said he was a party to such conversations in the White House.

Except for Clarke's brief testimony before the 9/11 commission, however, the issue has received scant attention. The FBI has said "unequivocally" that it played no role in facilitating any flights. Both the Federal Aviation Administration and the White House claim the Sept. 13 flight did not take place.

But it did — as did the subsequent flights. How do I know? For my book, I interviewed two men, Dan Grossi and Manuel Perez, who were on the plane that took off from Tampa as security guards. I spoke with FBI agents who identified Saudi passengers boarding the flights but said they did not have lengthy interviews with them. I talked to sources who helped orchestrate the operation. And I obtained passenger lists for four of the flights. (The documents can be seen at houseofbush.com .)

Out of several dozen passengers on those lists, the most astonishing name was that of the late Prince Ahmed Salman. Best known as the owner of War Emblem, winner of the 2002 Kentucky Derby, Ahmed was a prominent Saudi prince, but his presence is of interest for another reason.

As reported in Gerald Posner's "Why America Slept," Salman allegedly had ties to Al Qaeda and even had advance knowledge that it would stage a major attack in the U.S. on 9/11. Posner's report is based on sources who were in a position to know details of the CIA's interrogation of Abu Zubeida, a high-ranking Al Qaeda operative captured in Pakistan in 2002. Not long after Zubeida's startling allegations about him, Salman died of a heart attack at age 43.

That leaves the questions of why the FBI did not appear to be interested in Salman or the Bin Laden relatives or the others on the flight, and why the White House went to such great lengths to expedite the departure of a potential treasure trove of intelligence. The 9/11 commission should ask FBI Director Robert Mueller and Atty. Gen. John Ashcroft why such a man was allowed to leave the country immediately after the attacks. Did the president play a role in authorizing the evacuation himself?

The Bush family has a long, close relationship with the House of Saud. I have traced at least $1.4 billion in investments and contracts over the last 20 years from Saudis to companies in which the Bushes and their allies have had prominent positions — among them, Harken Energy, Halliburton and the Carlyle Group. Did these relationships persuade the Bush White House to turn a blind eye to the Saudi role in terror? At a time when millions of Americans were numb with terror, was the Bush administration delivering favors to its Saudi friends?

If the commission addresses these questions, it will probably be accused by Republicans of politicizing this historic investigation — in an election year, no less. But if it does not, it risks a far worse fate: betraying the thousands of people who lost their lives that day.

Craig Unger is the author of "House of Bush, House of Saud: The Secret Relationship Between the World's Two Most Powerful Dynasties" (Scribner, 2004).

CC



To: X Y Zebra who wrote (563008)4/11/2004 2:56:33 PM
From: Skywatcher  Respond to of 769670
 
The great state of Texas continues to show it's true racist colors.....
D.A. Could Be Disbarred Over Drug Prosecutions
The Texas state bar files a petition accusing him of misconduct in 35 wrongful convictions.
By Lianne Hart, Times Staff Writer

HOUSTON — The district attorney who prosecuted a succession of defendants arrested in a since-discredited drug bust in the west Texas town of Tulia now faces possible disbarment for his conduct during the trials.

In a disciplinary petition filed by the State Bar of Texas on Wednesday, Swisher County Dist. Atty. Terry D. McEachern is accused of failing to tell defense lawyers about the criminal history of his star witness, undercover agent Tom Coleman.








The sole, uncorroborated testimony of Coleman — who is white — led to the wrongful convictions of 35 Tulia residents, most of them black.

McEachern, 54, also failed to correct testimony by Coleman that he knew was false, according to the petition filed with the Texas Supreme Court. In five defendants' trials, Coleman said he had no criminal history and had never been arrested.

McEachern could not be reached for comment Friday. He told the Amarillo Globe-News this week that he could not comment on the proceedings against him but believed the cases were properly brought to trial. "I still feel the same way I did back then," McEachern said. "Of course, looking back, I would have done some things differently. But it's easy playing Monday-morning quarterback."

Kizzie White, 26, a home healthcare worker who spent four years in jail on drug charges, said McEachern "did wrong and should get what's coming to him. He should be punished for what he did. He messed up a lot of people's lives."

The petition against McEachern is the latest development in a case that began in 1999, when 46 people — including 39 African Americans — were arrested during a predawn drug raid. In a town of 5,000, the arrests represented nearly 10% of the black population. Civil rights lawyers charged that the busts were racially motivated and fought for a court review.

Last spring, a Texas judge ruled that Coleman — who used no audio or surveillance to substantiate the drug buys he made — was "simply not a credible witness."

In August, Texas Gov. Rick Perry, a Republican, pardoned 35 people who were convicted as a result of the tainted drug sting.


A Texas bar investigative panel this year found "just cause" that McEachern had committed misconduct during the Tulia drug trials. McEachern chose to have disciplinary action against him pursued in court rather than before a state bar grievance committee, Texas bar spokeswoman Kimberly Schmitt said. The Texas Supreme Court will select a presiding judge within 60 days, she added.

McEachern has not yet indicated whether he will opt for a jury trial or allow a judge to decide the case. He faces sanctions ranging from public reprimand to loss of his law license, which he has held since 1982.

Last month, McEachern lost the Republican primary in his bid for reelection as district attorney.

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