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To: LindyBill who wrote (39622)4/15/2004 2:05:11 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793838
 
Red tape threatens to cage military might
By R. James Woolsey and Robert Andrews - USA Today

One lesson emerging from this week's 9/11 commission hearings is that confusion and lack of clarity can be disastrous in fighting terrorism.

During hearings Tuesday, Attorney General John Ashcroft complained to panel members that "we did not know an attack was coming because for a decade our government had blinded itself to its enemies." He went on to say that "our agents were isolated by government-imposed walls" that strangled communications between the FBI and CIA. The commission's staff report Tuesday backed up Ashcroft's contention. It said the FBI and CIA had opportunities to learn of and prevent terrorist attacks, but a lack of awareness prevented senior government officials from connecting the now-proverbial dots.

Similar misunderstandings were exposed earlier in the 9/11 commission hearings. Samuel Berger, President Clinton's national security adviser, testified that the White House believed it had ordered the CIA to kill Osama bin Laden.

Yet, CIA Director George Tenet followed up that revelation with the news that he did not believe the agency had the authority to kill the al-Qaeda leader unless it was conducting a kidnapping operation, and any loss of life was incidental.

And so, bin Laden remains at large today. He has murdered thousands around the globe and is planning, according to Tenet, spectacular new attacks on America and her allies. We face the prospect of a brutal, global twilight war against fanatics whose hatred and methods know no limits.

Even as the commission uncovers such crossed wires and barriers that may have played into 9/11, Congress is grabbing at a dangerous solution. It is considering a new policy that would only increase confusion and take a powerful tool away from the military. The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence is quietly circulating a proposal that would ensnare clandestine U.S. military operations in the same sort of procedural restrictions placed on CIA covert actions and that contributed to the Ashcroft charges and gave rise to the Berger-Tenet misunderstanding.

An airing of this idea appears in the current issue of Foreign Affairs ("The Rise of the Shadow Warriors," by Jennifer D. Kibbe of the Brookings Institution). Kibbe warns that without CIA-like controls on special units performing clandestine missions, "administration hawks may soon start using special (operations) forces to attack or undermine other regimes on Washington's hit list."

While such restrictions on CIA covert operations — including requirements that the president report to Congress about every plan — are appropriate to protect against rogue operations, they would hamstring clandestine military ones. CIA covert operations, no matter how sensitive the plans, require a clear chain of accountability. For example, in the 1980s, it was correct to require the president to notify Congress before the CIA provided arms to the Afghans fighting the Soviets.

When it comes to clandestine military operations in Iraq and elsewhere in the war on terrorism, however, similar layers of reporting and procedure will only discourage ideas from the field and delay operations that require quick action. Most military operations are kept secret beforehand in order to achieve success through stealth and surprise. In some cases, deception plays a major part in providing this secrecy.

Indeed, it has been an integral part of warfare since well before the Greeks breached the walls of Troy by hiding in the Trojan Horse. Without the elaborate deception operation that confused the Germans about when and where Allied landings would come in 1944, D-Day might have failed.

On a much smaller scale, today's military operations require the same tight security and the ability to hide behind subterfuge. And, like Normandy nearly 60 years ago, once the battle is joined, once our Green Berets and SEALs rescue a hostage or capture or kill a terrorist, there will be no intent to deny American responsibility. Military operations are not covert operations that the government seeks to deny after the fact — they are the fighting of a war.

Applying CIA-like controls to military operations could even restrict skilled U.S. military personnel from surveying potential battlefields around the world. It would certainly result in potentially dangerous delays that would prevent time-sensitive intelligence about terrorists from being acted on promptly. Had such requirements been in place in the fall of 2001, our Green Berets, SEALs and Air Force Special Operations would likely have had a much harder fight in Afghanistan, where just a handful of these trained professionals overthrew the Taliban and eliminated al-Qaeda's principal sanctuary in just a few weeks.

The Defense Department's Special Operations Command is now assuming the role of being the lead command in the war on terrorism. In fact, these elite forces during the past year have been assigned the most deployments in their 50-year history, including controlling two-thirds of combat operations in Iraq. We should do everything possible to make it easier, not more difficult, for the forces to react rapidly.

The 9/11 commission hearings have given us a picture of the delay and uncertainty that marked the U.S. government's efforts to try to move against al-Qaeda using the CIA in the 1990s. Those problems shouldn't be compounded by a new policy that undercuts a timeless and effective tactic of warfare.

R. James Woolsey, director of Central Intelligence from 1993 to 1995, is a vice president of Booz Allen Hamilton. Robert Andrews is an adjunct fellow at the Hudson Institute and a former Green Beret and CIA officer. Previously, Andrews acted as assistant secretary of Defense for special operations.









Find this article at:
usatoday.com



To: LindyBill who wrote (39622)4/15/2004 5:47:23 PM
From: Lane3  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793838
 
America's Ayatollah

By Richard Cohen
Thursday, April 15, 2004; Page A25

The term of the moment in Washington is "the wall." This is the legal barrier that once separated the CIA and its investigators from the FBI and its investigators, and which may have contributed to the confusion that enabled the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. A more interesting wall, however, was on view Tuesday evening in President Bush's prime-time news conference. It's the one between him and reality.



Never mind that even for Bush, this was a poor performance -- answers that resembled a frantic scavenger hunt for the right (or any) word or, too often, a thought. Never mind that he really had very little to say -- no exit plan for Iraq, no second thoughts about Sept. 11, no wonderment, even, at the apparent disappearance of Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction and how that might have happened. Like a kid who has been told otherwise, Bush persists in believing in his own version of Santa Claus. The weapons are there, somewhere -- in a North Pole of his mind.

What matters more is the phrase Bush used five times in one way or another: "We're changing the world." He used it always in reference to the war in Iraq and he used it in ways that would make even Woodrow Wilson, that presidential personification of naive morality, shake his head in bemusement. In Bush's rhetoric, a war to rid Hussein of his weapons of mass destruction, a war to ensure that Condoleezza Rice's "mushroom cloud" did not appear over an American city, has mutated into an effort to reorder the world.

"I also know that there's an historic opportunity here to change the world," Bush said of the effort in Iraq. But the next sentence was even more disquieting. "And it's very important for the loved ones of our troops to understand that the mission is an important, vital mission for the security of America and for the ability to change the world for the better." It is one thing to die to defend your country. It is quite another to do that for a single man's impossible dream. What Bush wants is admirable. It is not, however, attainable.

Shortly after Sept. 11, Bush used the word "crusade" to characterize his response to the attacks. The Islamic world, remembering countless crusades on behalf of Christianity, protested, and Bush quickly interred the word in the National Archives or someplace. Nonetheless, that is pretty much what Bush described in his news conference -- not a crusade for Christ and not one to oust the Muslims from Jerusalem but an American one that would eradicate terrorism and, in short, "change the world." The United States, the president said, had been "called" for that task.

Some people might consider this religious drivel and others might find it stirring, but whatever it is, it cannot be the basis for foreign policy, not to mention a war. Yet it explains, as nothing else can, just why Bush is so adamantly steadfast about Iraq and why he simply asserts what is not proved or just plain untrue -- the purported connection between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda, for instance, or why Hussein was such a threat, when we have it on the word of David Kay and countless weapons inspectors that he manifestly was not. Bush talks as if only an atheist would demand proof when faith alone more than suffices. He is America's own ayatollah.

Several investigative commissions are now meeting in Washington, looking into intelligence failures -- everything from the failure to detect and intercept the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 to the assertion that Iraq was armed to the teeth with all sorts of awful stuff. But what really has to be examined is how a single man, the president, took the nation and part of the world to war because, as he essentially put it Tuesday night, he was "called" to do it.

If that is the case, and it sure seems so at the moment, then this commission has to ask us all -- and I don't exclude myself -- how much of Congress and the press went to war with an air of juvenile glee. The Commission on Credulous Stupidity may call me as its first witness, but after that it has to examine how, despite our vaunted separation of powers, a barely elected president opted for a war that need not have been fought. This is Bush's cause, a noble but irrational effort much like the one that set off for Jerusalem in the year 1212. It was known as the Children's Crusade.

cohenr@washpost.com

© 2004 The Washington Post Company



To: LindyBill who wrote (39622)4/15/2004 6:09:32 PM
From: Michelino  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793838
 
"greasy Richard Ben-Veniste...good old days of Ruby Ridge...Gorelick"

A few days ago, I made a half jest about conservatives blaming Clinton and Reno for Ruby Ridge. This is because I've encountered it several times on this site. But while I didn't predict that the 'greasy' Ann Coulter would repeat the myth, I could have guessed. It would be hard to find a more seething pundit in print (radio is, of course, another matter), why do so many cons desire this hateful witch as a role model?