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To: Dayuhan who wrote (45092)5/18/2004 12:45:54 AM
From: Nadine Carroll  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793782
 
If I saw any evidence that secular leadership is emerging among the Shiites, I'd be happier

There was this:

Iraqi polls bring secular success

Jonathan Steele in Nassiriya
Monday April 5, 2004
The Guardian

Herded into lines by inexperienced police officers, hundreds of would-be Iraqi voters pushed into a sparsely equipped school at the weekend to cast their ballots for the local council of Tar.
Deep in the marshlands of the Euphrates, the town of 15,000 people was the first to rise against Saddam Hussein in the abortive intifada of 1991. Now it was holding the first genuine election in its history.

The poll was the latest in a series which this overwhelmingly Shia province has held in the past six weeks, and the results have been surprising. Seventeen towns have voted, and in almost every case secular independents and representatives of non-religious parties did better than the Islamists.

This week sees the biggest event in the Shia calendar, the annual pilgrimage to the holy cities of Kerbala and Najaf, and thousands of people were making the 10-day walk along the main road west through Nassiriya and its surrounding province of Dhi Qar. But in the march to the polling booths the secular democrats were showing the greater strength.

"This is a free election," said Jawad Khadum, a teacher in Tar. "We want more of them, for example in our teachers' union and for the mayor."

Like many professionals, he was worried by the way some religious parties had been throwing their weight around, trying to close shops which sell alcohol and pressing every woman to wear a veil. He saw the vote as a chance to stop this, he said.

The results will have delighted him. Neither of the two Islamist candidates was among the 10 elected. A woman teacher got in, the first female councillor in the province. Other winners included an agricultural engineer and three businessmen.

In Shatra, a town of 250,000, the Communist party won four seats and independents seven. Partly because of their popularity for stopping the looting which followed the overthrow of the old regime, the Islamists had a majority in the former council which was appointed last summer. After the election they were cut back to four seats out of 15.

"It was not a surprise," said Jalil Abed Jafar, a doctor, in the Communist party's upstairs offices along the waterfront. Shatra is where the party was founded 70 years ago, and the offices were still full of posters celebrating that event, along with photographs of dozens of members executed by the former regime.

No other province has held as many elections as Dhi Qar.

They have been organised largely by Tobin Bradley, an Arabic-speaking US state department official attached to the occupation authority in Nassiriya. Although the American government insisted that national elections could not be held in Iraq before the transfer of sovereignty on June 30, in Dhi Qar they went ahead using the ration card system - a method which could have been used nationally, according to many Iraqis.

The system of cheap basic rations still operates, and every Iraqi family received new cards this year, listing address and family size. In the Dhi Qar elections the card allowed a husband and wife to vote if they also brought their identity documents. The ration card was stamped in red or blue for each gender, making it possible for a wife to come earlier or later than her husband.

"It's not universal suffrage," said Mr Bradley, as he watched local judges check voters' identities inside the school entrance in Tar. "The polling places are only in the town centre. Some families are larger than others and they all get two votes. But it's free and fair to a certain degree."

Direct elections are not being held for the provincial council, but Mr Bradley has organised partial contests. A certain number of seats is set aside for various groups, which then elect people to fill them.

The province has 22 Islamic parties, which will get six seats. The 15 secular parties get four. Seats are reserved for women, professional associations and trade unions. Seven seats are for 54 tribal leaders. The "refreshed council", as it is called, is claimed to be more democratic than the one appointed by the occupation authorities.

"We chose people not very transparently before," Mr Bradley said. "This time we said, 'you provide the names'."

The change cannot come soon enough, in the view of Sheikh Sabri Hamid al-Rumidh, Dhi Qar's governor, who has been battling to control the religious parties, particularly the half-dozen which have militias.

Like the voters in the province's unprecedented elections, Mr Rumidh hopes the tide which flowed in favour of the religious parties in 2003 has begun to turn.
guardian.co.uk



To: Dayuhan who wrote (45092)5/18/2004 1:20:50 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793782
 
If I saw any evidence that secular leadership is emerging among the Shiites, I'd be happier. I don't see those things.


The feeling I get from the Iraqi blogs is we have very little feel of the Iraqi life. The bloggers, of course, are westernized enough to be different that "Joe Iraq," but still give us a better picture than we get from the press.

Even John Burns of the NYT has to walk around with an interpreter and a bodyguard. Add to that the fact that most interpreters are ex-baathist "minders," and you realize that the filtering is really dark. Al Jaariza, et al, are useless.



To: Dayuhan who wrote (45092)5/18/2004 1:27:38 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793782
 
Millions of People Worldwide on the Move

by Barbara Crossette

Atlantic Monthly

UNITED NATIONS—Think of a country worried about illegal immigration, human trafficking, open borders and the threat of terrorist infiltration. The United States? No, in this case the nation concerned about migration is one of the world's poorest, smallest and newest—East Timor.

The situation in East Timor—the former Indonesian territory that declared its independence in 1999 and joined the United Nations in 2002—serves as an example of a reality now gaining more international attention, which is that the gigantic numbers of people on the move in the world affect the fortunes not only of industrial nations but also of many fragile countries still struggling to develop.

Making sense of the hugely complex subject of migration worldwide is the job of a new commission appointed by Secretary General Kofi Annan in December. The co-chairs of the panel, which has just begun its work, came to New York a few weeks ago to brief diplomats, U.N. officials and representatives of intergovernmental and private organizations, and to ask for the broadest possible input from the many diverse groups and institutions that deal with the movement of people.

Laborers, professionals, refugees and those fleeing natural disasters and wars all fit the description of migrant. Whatever their reasons for moving, they may run into unwelcoming resistance in places where they go looking for hope. There doesn't have to be any logic in this. Europe, with an aging and shrinking population in need of labor, is tightening rather than loosening its immigration and asylum laws.

Mamphela Ramphele of South Africa, who co-chairs the Global Commission on International Migration with Jan O. Karlsson of Sweden, said that the world has not done enough to gather and analyze data worldwide. She sees a need to end an era of immigration/migration policies based on popular sentiment and political opportunism. "We hope to close the gap between myth and reality," she told the gathering of experts. The commission's report is expected to be finished at the end of July 2005.

East Timor's story, one of dozens among developing nations, is the subject of a new online report by Kimberly Hamilton, managing editor of the Migration Information Source, a one-stop site for nonpartisan data and insight on many countries. The report, East Timor: Old Migration Challenges in the World's Newest Country, describes how issues of refugee return, asylum, sex trafficking, unemployment, a weak economy and the effects of a large (for a nation this size) U.N. assistance mission (now being wound down) all play into even a small country's policy mix.

East Timor, with a total population of about 800,000, saw two-thirds of its population displaced after violence broke out in 1999, fomented by pro-Indonesian militias. About 220,000 of them have come home, but to what? There are few jobs for a nation where half the population is under 15, promising even more demand for jobs ahead. The new country has to tackle a range of problems all at once, from building institutions to curtailing immigration to expanding industries and recreating public services lost when skilled Indonesians left. All of these relate to the mass movement of people.

Around the world, the U.N. Population Division found in a 2002 survey that 175 million people were living in countries where they were not born. The number of migrants has doubled since 1975, with one in every 10 people in richer nations a migrant and one in 70 people in the developing countries. More than 11 million people moved into industrialized nations between 1995 and 2000, and more than 5 million of them landed in North America.

Migrations, particularly illegal movements of people, are cause for concern in every region, most frequently for cultural or economic reasons. India fears perennial influxes of Bangladeshis, South Africa and Botswana send back Zimbabweans and Mexico does not want to be known as a transit stop for Central Americans and boat people from as far away as China. Australia has drawn opprobrium for not allowing refugees to land on its shores, or detaining them in camps if they do.

In 2001, the United Nations found, 44 percent of developed countries had policies aiming toward reduced immigration. So did 39 percent of developing countries.

Rolf K. Jenny, the executive director of the new global commission, which is based in Geneva, told the meeting of experts and other interested parties in New York that the panel hoped to lay the groundwork for an objective debate involving governments, the media, nongovernmental organizations and others. The commission hopes to weave together disparate strands into a coherent picture of a world in motion, linking issues as seemingly unrelated as human rights, the roles of women, national security concerns, trade policies, the economic impact of remittances migrants send home, labor markets and cultural integration.

There has never been a migration study this big or ambitious. It was not welcomed by every nation, either. The topic of migration has some built-in tensions, and opening it up for world scrutiny risks some hazards. There are countries that will argue that people should have the right to move freely in search of work, relieving population pressures in their homelands and contributing their earnings to development there. At the other end of the spectrum are nations and population experts who argue that this kind of open safety valve does nothing to encourage governments to improve economies, cut population growth and remove hurdles like corruption from national life. With 98 percent of population growth in this century predicted to take place in the developing nations, such arguments find broad resonance in the developed world.

Karlsson says that there is "enormous knowledge out there—the problem is getting people to read the right pages." The commission is traveling to regional forums in five areas of the world, planning mostly to listen to local concerns. Karlsson calls it "a search for a common ground."

The URL for this page is theatlantic.com.