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Politics : I Will Continue to Continue, to Pretend.... -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sully- who wrote (2643)5/24/2004 2:17:08 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
THE CHALABI CHARADE

NY Post Editorial

May 22, 2004 -- Thursday's raid by U.S. and Iraqi agents on the home of Iraqi Governing Council member Ahmed Chalabi was troubling - not least because the Coalition Provisional Authority and the White House both insist they weren't involved.

After all, shouldn't President Bush, not to mention CPA chief Paul Bremer, have known in advance about such a high-profile mission - particularly if U.S. forces took part?

Yet the White House says it never sanctioned the raid, and Bremer's spokesman, Dan Senor, claims his boss didn't know about it until afterward.

If that's true, then America's control over key events in Iraq (now the central theater in the War on Terror) is in serious doubt. And if not - if Bremer or Washington did approve the raid - then why?

Speculation is rampant.

Chalabi says the raid was politically motivated retaliation for his complaints that the June 30 transition won't give the Iraqis sufficient autonomy and for his upfront role in pushing the Governing Council's probe of the U.N. Oil-for-Food scandal.

Bremer has started his own probe into the Oil-for-Food scandal - which many suspect may be meant to limit the scandal's damage and protect the United Nations, which Washington thinks it needs in Iraq.

Others charge that Chalabi has become too close to Iran - that he even passed sensitive intelligence to the mullahs, endangering American lives.

That last must certainly be investigated. If it's true, he deserves the full weight of U.S. justice.

But how would Chalabi gain access to such intelligence? And just what is "too close" to Tehran, given that America (and every other key player) maintains some channels to the Islamic Republic?

If these reasons seem implausible, then what really motivated the raid?

There's speculation on that, too:

* Bremer wanted Oil-for-Food documents in Chalabi's possession. Papers, computers and other material were indeed carted from his home Thursday.

* The State Department and CIA have long bitterly opposed Chalabi, and are actively trying to discredit him.

(Ironically, the raid may have boosted his standing in Iraq by establishing his independence from Washington.)

The truth here remains a mystery. But if the White House is trying to destroy Chalabi, it better have some darn good reasons - because someone as Westernized and pro-American as him is hard to find in Iraq.

And if it isn't behind the raid, then the problem may be bigger still.

NEW YORK POST



To: Sully- who wrote (2643)5/24/2004 3:13:11 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Tribal Warfare in Iraq

OP-ED COLUMNIST
By WILLIAM SAFIRE

Published: May 24, 2004

WASHINGTON — <font size=4>The three factions controlling Iraq — long suspicious of one another — are now on the brink of open tribal warfare. Not the Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds — I mean the Pentagon, State Department and C.I.A.

The spark setting off this U.S. bureaucratic conflagration is the former Iraqi exile Ahmad Chalabi, a sophisticated, secular Shiite who organized resistance to the Sunni despot Saddam Hussein before it was popular.

Since 1996, the C.I.A. has hated him with a passion.<font size=3> In that year, our spooks egged on Iraqi officers to overthrow Saddam. Chalabi claims to have warned that the plotters had been penetrated, and when the coup failed and a hundred heads rolled, he dared to blame the C.I.A. for bloody ineptitude. This is at the root of his detestation by Tenet & Company and the agency's subsequent rejection of most Iraqi sources of intelligence offered by Chalabi's group.
<font size=4>
Less personal is the State tribe's aversion.<font size=3> At Foggy Bottom, a policy of pre-emption and of regime change, urged by Chalabi, was always disdained. When Baghdad fell, Arabists at State were heavily influenced by the preference of Sunni leaders in Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan for another Baathist Sunni strongman to be installed in Saddam's place for the sake of regional "stability" — despite the wishes of Iraq's Shiite majority and Kurdish minority.
<font size=4>
The Pentagon, as we know, had a quite different view of our mission.<font size=3> Defense wanted to set up a democratic Iraq to cut off the incubation of terror in the Middle East. It found much of Chalabi's information, as well as his contacts in potentially meddlesome Iran, to be useful; indeed, as recently as last week, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Gen. Richard Myers, noted that intelligence supplied by him "saved soldiers' lives."

Into this internecine snicker-snack was injected Robert Blackwill, a tall academician-diplomat who is becoming a kind of Wilsonian Colonel House to President Bush. His mission: get us out as occupying power by the beginning of summer, and pass off the job of organizing the transition to elections to the U.N. envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi.

To accomplish this, Blackwill adopted a Lola policy: Whatever Brahimi wants, Brahimi gets.

The U.N.'s man, an Algerian who was a top official of the Arab League, wanted first to protect the Sunnis, the group that had profited most during Saddam's reign. To accommodate Brahimi, Paul Bremer was told to welcome more Baathists into power and U.S. military commanders were prevailed upon to back away from an attack on weapons-laden Falluja, heart of pro-Saddam insurgency.

Brahimi had another demand: cut off Chalabi, who was not only complaining loudly about the end of de-Baathification, but had led the Governing Council to hire an accounting firm and lawyers to investigate the U.N.'s complicity in the $5 billion oil-for-food kickback ripoff. On orders, Bremer shut down the Iraqi attempt to recover the stolen money. Accountants were hired who were more amenable to the U.N.

Bremer then went all the way. He permitted Iraqi police to break into and trash Chalabi's political headquarters as well as his home, carting off computers and files, our way of thanking him for helping craft Iraqi constitutional protections. Gleeful C.I.A. operatives who accompanied the raid spread rumors that the troublesome Iraqi was a spy for Iran and a blackmailer of recipients of oil largess. True? Who knows? But his shattered picture made the cover of Newsweek, savagely labeled "our con man in Iraq."

Although the Defense Department is too battered by the prison scandal to stand up for anybody, Chalabi went on an array of Sunday morning TV shows to demand a confrontation with the C.I.A.'s George Tenet before Congress and under oath. This agile pol sees how the Brahimi-Blackwill-Bremer blunderbuss can win him popularity with anti-Americans in Iraq.

Brahimi, satisfied, is compromising on the makeup of the group assigned to hold sovereignty (like a hot potato) until elections early next year. Our staunch Iraqi allies, the Kurds, may now not be frozen out.

Bob Blackwill, a dozen years ago, nicely updated a question conservatives asked about China a half-century before, telling me "There's the `who lost Russia?' problem." To avert the same question about Iraq in the future, I'll be listening for a strong note of steadfastness in the president's speech tonight.

nytimes.com



To: Sully- who wrote (2643)5/24/2004 5:34:44 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The Agency Rides Again

Angleton on Chalabi.

If Intel leaks, it's usually false.

Michael Ledeen

Like everyone else, I've been reading the stories about my friend Ahmad Chalabi of the Iraqi National Congress, and the accusations that he's an Iranian spy. I don't believe it, but before launching a tirade against the misnamed Central Intelligence Agency I thought I'd better check with the greatest unliving expert on intelligence, the late James Jesus Angleton. He was the longtime chief of CIA counterintelligence, and knew everything there was to know about spying, so I dusted off the ouija board and got him on the second try.

JJA: I reckoned you'd decide it was time for another chat.

ML: Right you were. It's about Chalabi. He's a friend of mine, and I would be really upset if he turned out to be an Iranian agent.

JJA: You shouldn't take these things personally. Kim Philby was a friend of mine, after all, and he turned out to be a big-time KGB agent.

ML: Fair enough, we all make mistakes. But the stories in the press don't make sense, and some of the newspapers — like Newsday — have made claims unworthy of a sane person.

JJA: I saw that Newsday story. They said that DIA was convinced that the Iraqi National Congress, from its very inception, was an Iranian master plot to penetrate the American government and organize the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.

ML: Which is one of those stories that only a B-movie Hollywood scriptwriter could put down on paper without praying for forgiveness.

JJA: Not to worry; journalists don't pray. That's why there are so few of them up here. But you're right, the theory is too clever by half. It was probably concocted by somebody who had studied the "Trust," the legendary Soviet operation after the First World War that became famous in the stories about "Reilly, Ace of Spies." Some White Russians had created what appeared to be an anti-Soviet organization that claimed both to have agents at high levels of the Soviet regime, and also to have an underground network within the Soviet Union that was capable of organizing a coup against Lenin. They provided Western intelligence agencies with very good intelligence, and showed their capacities by actually assassinating some fairly high-level Communists. So the Western agencies supported the "Trust," and worked very closely with them.

In reality, the "Trust" was a Soviet operation that actually penetrated Western intelligence services, to the great advantage of the Kremlin. A masterpiece.

ML: So why is it fanciful to accuse the INC of being a Middle Eastern "Trust"?

JJA: Because Chalabi's behavior doesn't fit. He went to Tehran all the time, in part because the State Department and CIA refused to support him, and in part because anyone who wants to operate in that part of the world has to be on decent terms with the mullahs if he wants to survive. They're great killers, you know.

ML: I know, I know. I write about it all the time.

JJA: If anything, the United States pushed him toward the Iranians, and it's laughable that the intelligence community should now blame him for their previous actions.

ML: It's fascinating to watch the anti-Chalabi campaign in Washington. You probably can't keep up with it, but some intel officials in town are saying two things to the journalists: 1) We broke the Iranians' communication codes, so we were reading their mail. Chalabi found out about this, and told the Iranian intelligence chief in Baghdad. 2) The Iranian immediately contacted Tehran to tell them that we had broken the code. Then they said to journalists, "you can't write about this because it would jeopardize our people."

JJA: So they're saying that the Iranians' chief operative in Baghdad told Tehran that their codes had been broken...and his message was sent in the same code?

ML: Seems so.

JJA: Hahahahahahaha. Impossible! If the Iranians knew that we were reading their mail, they would never let us know that they knew. They would continue to use the codes, but instead of sending accurate messages they would use those channels for disinformation against us.

ML: Yes, they're smart enough for that. I've often said that they may be crazy, but they are certainly not stupid.

JJA: Furthermore, using the same logic, if we knew that Chalabi had told the Iranians, we would never go public with the accusations. We would use Chalabi to disinform them. And the information that we had broken the Iranian code doesn't compromise human sources, because most codebreaking is done by supercomputers, and isn't obtained from spies.

ML: So what was this all about?

JJA: Oh, I think it's mostly political, and has little if anything to do with intelligence. The CIA loves to smear people they don't like with claims of super-secret intelligence that rarely exists.

ML: Like those Iraqis who ran from Saddam after the debacle in the mid-Nineties?

JJA: Of course. Remember that we rescued them, and they ended up in Guam?

ML: Uh huh.

JJA: And then the CIA denied entry to three of them, claiming they were spies for Saddam, and they wouldn't let anyone see the intelligence, and they were demanding the three be sent back to Iraq?

ML: And they would have been sent there, to a terrible death, and were only saved because Jim Woolsey volunteered his legal assistance, went to court, demanded to see the intelligence, and found there was nothing there.

JJA: Right. There are many such cases, as you know well.

ML: Sure, they used to say I was an Israeli agent. The head of counterintelligence even claimed I had dual citizenship, and an Israeli passport. All nonsense. He finally shut up when one of his colleagues asked him for the passport number.

JJA: And there was the fairly recent case of a Russian named Luchansky, accused by CIA of being one of the top honchos of the Russian Mafia. He had to go to court in England to get a British judge to demand the "intelligence," and found it was baseless.

ML: And there was another one, in my own experience. Round about 1980, a CIA official whispered to me that they had a tape of a conversation between an NSC staff member and a Polish diplomat, in which the NSC staffer had provided classified information. I never believed it and never wrote it, but it finally made its way into print. After the usual damage to the poor guy's reputation, the "intelligence" was shown to be fanciful.

JJA: As I said, these things are usually political, and the Chalabi case is part of a long campaign by CIA to destroy him. In fact, you can make a fairly convincing case that the "raid" on Chalabi's house was probably an effort to get him killed.

ML: Killed? They were going to shoot him?

JJA: Not "they," even though it does seem there were CIA people on the scene. No, they're smarter than that. They sent Iraqi police to do the dirty work. The police were armed. It was reasonable to assume that at least one of Chalabi's bodyguards would shoot at the intruders, and then a gunfire would ensue, in which...well, people do get hurt at such times, don't they?

ML: Well, it might be even cleverer. The police took all weapons from the compound, and then the raid was announced. Maybe Chalabi's enemies, knowing he was disarmed, would take advantage and go after him.

JJA: Could be. Whatever the truth, the whole sequence of events placed Chalabi in mortal danger, even though it seems to have strengthened him enormously in the eyes of the Iraqi people.

ML: But how is a journalist, or a citizen, to tell what's going on?

JJA: By reasoning paradoxically. Almost all the time, if the intelligence community has real evidence, you'll never hear about it. They will keep it to themselves and use it in their work. If they leak something about someone, it will usually be false.

At which point the ouija board shorted out.

nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (2643)5/26/2004 2:24:30 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
The Wall Street Journal and Bill Safire don't buy the
Government story on Chalabi. Neither do I. - From:
LindyBill

REVIEW & OUTLOOK

The Chalabi Fiasco

He's a pawn in a much larger strategic game.

Wednesday, May 26, 2004 12:01 a.m.
<font size=4>
The more we dig into last week's Baghdad raid against Ahmed Chalabi, the more curious it seems. Clearly there's much more going on here than a fight over one man's credibility.

If nothing else, this has to be the strangest "spy" case in U.S. history. On the day of last week's raid, a spokesman for U.S. regent L. Paul Bremer denied that Mr. Chalabi was even the target. But the papers and TV shows have since been filled with accusations that Mr. Chalabi provided classified information to Iran. None of his accusers is ever on the record, and no one has explained how Mr. Chalabi would have access to such U.S. secrets. But someone in the U.S. government clearly wants to damage him.

For someone so accused, Mr. Chalabi is hardly backing down. He appeared on any TV network that would have him last weekend, denying the charges and offering to visit Capitol Hill and face his accusers under oath. Meanwhile, Joint Chiefs Chairman Richard Myers told Congress last week that Mr. Chalabi's political group, the Iraqi National Congress (INC), "has provided intelligence to our intelligence unit there in Baghdad that has saved soldiers' lives."

That's not just General Myers's opinion.<font size=3> Back in March, the Pentagon requested feedback on the effectiveness of cooperation from five Iraq political organizations. <font size=4>The written report from the chief intelligence officer of one front-line U.S. division declared that the INC "proved to be head and shoulders above the information provided by the other four organizations."<font size=3>

According to this report--which is classified but was made available to us--the INC has provided "imminent threat warning" and "reconnaissance surveillance capability that U.S. forces cannot match in an urban environment." For example, Saddam Hussein was captured last December with documents containing eight names. The INC was directly responsible for the capture of four on that list, and thanks to its lead a fifth was captured within a month.
<font size=4>
The intelligence assessment calls the INC a "true force multiplier" and says that the U.S. division's "ability to accomplish our mission would have been significantly hampered" without its support. "In the final analysis, the INC has been directly responsible for saving the lives of numerous soldiers as a result of early warning and providing surveillance of known enemy elements," the report says.

Does this sound like the work of "con men" opposed to U.S. interests in Iraq?<font size=3> Without security clearance ourselves, we can't determine the real truth. But at a minimum, the above suggests that our troops in Iraq have a different view of Mr. Chalabi and the INC than the leakers in Washington or at the Coalition Provisional Authority. The charge of spying for Iran is serious enough that Mr. Chalabi, Iraqis and the U.S. have a substantial stake in getting to the truth. As Mr. Chalabi suggests, ideally that would be in public, before Congress.
<font size=4>
Mr. Chalabi has long maintained good relations with Iran, in particular to gain access to northern Iraq during Saddam's rule. But this is hardly news to U.S. officials, who financed the INC's Tehran office. In any event, the last thing Iran's mullahs want is the emergence of a secular, stable, Shiite-led free government of the kind Mr. Chalabi has long favored. <font size=3>

So what's really going on here? We think Mr. Chalabi is a pawn in a much larger battle that is strategic, ideological and personal. On the first, he has long battled the CIA over the best way to topple Saddam. The Agency argued for, and tried to arrange, a coup that would leave most of the Baathist regime in place, and it predicted after the first Gulf War that Saddam would fall within two months.
<font size=4>
Mr. Chalabi correctly argued that Saddam's control was too tight and that only a U.S. invasion would succeed. He was wrong himself in overestimating how much Shiites would help in rebelling against Saddam, and clearly some of the INC's intelligence was mistaken. But then so was the CIA's;<font size=3> twice it told President Bush that Saddam had been killed and after both attempts Mr. Chalabi was correctly saying he was still alive. The man who told Mr. Bush that it was a "slam dunk" that Saddam had WMD wasn't Mr. Chalabi; that source was CIA Director George Tenet.

The ideological battle concerns Iraq's future governance. As a secular Shiite, Mr. Chalabi has sought to make an alliance with Grand Ayatollah Sistani and other moderate Shiite leaders. This puts him at odds with Lakhdar Brahimi, the U.N. special envoy to Iraq, as well as with the neighboring Arab leaders who are wary of control by the Shiite majority.

Jordan's King Abdullah, a longtime Chalabi enemy who is close to Mr. Brahimi, has already called for another Sunni strongman to run Iraq. Mr. Bremer and the Bush Administration have handed control over the June 30 transition to Iraqi sovereignty to Mr. Brahimi, and one of his demands is that Mr. Chalabi be frozen out.

As for the personal, Mr. Chalabi is a blunt man who can seem arrogant even to his friends. Unlike some others on the Iraqi Governing Council, he has frequently been critical of Mr. Bremer and has fought him over many issues, especially elections and the probe into the U.N. Oil for Food scandal.
<font size=4>
All of this is to suggest that there are many people, in the U.N. and U.S. government, who were only too happy to see Mr. Chalabi humiliated in that raid and then trashed afterward.<font size=3> The idea that this could have taken place without Mr. Bremer's blessing is impossible to credit. Mr. Bremer has pleaded lack of resources to explain why no one from Saddam's circle has yet been tried for a crime, but somehow an Iraqi judge found the time and money to investigate Mr. Chalabi.

The mystery is how any of this serves U.S. interests. Iraqis have now witnessed America turn quickly against, and even ransack the home of, one of its longtime allies. This will not make more of them eager to take our side.
<font size=4>
Meanwhile, back in Washington, critics of Mr. Bush's Iraq policy are using the raid and the leaks as an excuse for demanding a purge of anyone who ever supported Mr. Chalabi. A Monday piece in the New York Times, based on more anonymous leaks, noted that "intelligence officials" are investigating "a handful of officials in Washington and Iraq who dealt regularly with Mr. Chalabi." Are they Iranian agents too?<font size=3>

We still believe Mr. Bush can succeed in Iraq. But the Chalabi fiasco is emblematic of the mistakes this White House has made in not deciding among its warring camps on Iraq policy, and in failing to exert any discipline on its factions at the CIA and the State Department that oppose Mr. Bush's policy. We don't know what role Iraqis will decide Mr. Chalabi should play in their future government--perhaps it will be none. But we do know that the way for America to succeed in Iraq is not to make war on its friends.

Copyright © 2004 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.



To: Sully- who wrote (2643)5/28/2004 1:41:23 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
fighting words

Ahmad and Me

Defending Chalabi.

By Christopher Hitchens
SLATE
<font size=4>
I first met Dr. Ahmad Chalabi in the spring of 1998, a year when George Bush was still the governor of Texas and when Bill Clinton and Al Gore were talking at a high volume about the inescapable necessity of removing Saddam Hussein from power because of his continuous connection to terrorism and his addiction to weapons of mass destruction. (Remember ... ?) It was also the year that the Senate passed, without a dissenting voice, the Iraq Liberation Act.

At our long meeting, Chalabi impressed me for three reasons. The first was that he thought the overthrow of one of the world's foulest-ever despotisms could be accomplished. I knew enough by then to know that any Iraqi taking this position in public was risking his life and the lives of his family.<font size=3> I did not know Iraq very well but had visited the country several times in peace and war and met numerous Iraqis, and the second thing that impressed me was that, whenever I mentioned any name, Chalabi was able to make an exhaustive comment on him or her. (The third thing that impressed me was his astonishingly extensive knowledge of literary and political arcana, but that's irrelevant to our purposes here.)

The anti-Chalabi forces, I found upon inquiry, had several criticisms to make. The first was that he was a shady businessman whose Petra Bank had fleeced the depositors of Jordan. The second was that he was an "exile," remote from Iraq's reality. The third was that he was too close to the Iranians. The fourth was that he was too ambitious. The fifth was that he was an American puppet.

I do not know what happened at the Petra Bank, and not even Andrew and Patrick Cockburn, who have done the most work on the subject, can be sure that Saddam Hussein's agents in Jordan were not involved in the indictment of Chalabi by a rather oddly constituted Jordanian court. It could be, for all I know, that he was both guilty and framed. The litigation and recrimination continues, and it ought at least to be noted that Chalabi still maintains he can prove his case.

As for "exile"—a term used as a sneer by many people who have never set foot in Iraq—it is a word that would cover Willy Brandt, Bruno Kreisky, Andreas Papandreou, Benigno Aquino, and Kim Dae Jung, to name a few. Admittedly these brave men (four of whom I have met) were in prominent positions in existing mass-based parties before they fled their homelands, later to return as leaders. No less admittedly, Iraq for several decades had seen a complete, nightmarish extirpation of all independent political life. The only surviving party worth the name was the Iraqi Communist Party (which incidentally sits on the Iraqi Governing Council and has generally good relations with the Iraqi National Congress). <font size=4>Moreover, Chalabi during the 1990s had actually spent a good deal of time in liberated northern Iraq, and many Iraqis and Kurds who had had their doubts about him had been impressed by his courage, especially during the mini civil war that broke out between Kurdish factions.

As for Iran, it is the most significant of Iraq's neighbors, and no aspiring politician can avoid the responsibility of conducting relations with it. Chalabi has never made any secret of his closeness to Tehran, and he operated a headquarters there, with the full encouragement of the U.S. government, during the run-up to the intervention.<font size=3> This necessarily involves a managed compromise between competing Shiite forces in both countries, at a time when both populations are anxiously awaiting developments in each other's societies. If any Iraqi is "brokering" relations with Iran, I hope it's Chalabi.
<font size=4>
The last two allegations—too ambitious and too much of a puppet—are respectively irrelevant and absurd. Anyone taking part in the Iraqi transition has to be a full-blown hardnose, and the charge of puppetry, never very convincing, seems to have been dropped lately.

It has now been replaced with a whole new indictment: that Chalabi tricked the United States into war, possibly on Iran's behalf, and that he has given national security secrets to Iran. The first half of this is grotesque on its face. Even if you assume the worst to be true—that the INC's "defectors" were either mistaken or were conscious, coached fabricators—the fact remains that the crucial presentation of the administration's case on WMD and terrorism was made at the United Nations by Secretary of State Colin Powell, with CIA Director George Tenet sitting right behind him, after those two men most hostile to Chalabi had been closeted together. Nor does the accusation about an alternative "stove pipe" of disinformation, bypassing the usual channels, hold much water (or air, or smoke). Woodward's book Plan of Attack makes it plain that the president was not very impressed with Tenet's ostensible evidence. The plain and overlooked truth is that the administration acted upon the worst assumption about Saddam Hussein and that he himself strongly confirmed the presumption of guilt by, among many other things, refusing to comply with the U.N. resolution.<font size=3> This was a rational decision on the part of the coalition. After all, German intelligence had reported to Chancellor Schröder that Saddam was secretly at work on a nuke again: The French government publicly said that it believed Iraq had WMD, and even Hans Blix has stated in his book that at that point, he thought the Baathist concealment apparatus was still at work. Whoever and whatever convinced all of these discrepant forces, it was not Chalabi's INC or Judith Miller's work in the New York Times.
<font size=4>
As to the accusation that Chalabi has endangered American national security by slipping secrets to Tehran, I can only say that three days ago, I broke my usual rule and had a "deep background" meeting with a very "senior administration official." This person, given every opportunity to signal even slightly that I ought to treat the charges seriously, pointedly declined to do so. I thought I should put this on record.<font size=3>

Some of my Iraqi and Kurdish comrades have expressed a different misgiving about Chalabi: that he has been playing confessional politics and maneuvering with the Shiites to get himself a power base. I entirely share their distaste for this kind of politics, but I don't see—now that there are politics in Iraq once more—that anybody is not involved to some extent in playing the sectarian or tribal cards. Chalabi says in his own defense that it's necessary to keep good relations with the Sistani bloc and that the ayatollah has been very helpful: most particularly in his fatwa against private revenge by those Shiites who lost relatives, or limbs, to the hateful former regime. And I would add in Chalabi's defense that he did call for an earlier transfer of sovereignty and earlier elections: an odd position for a man with "no base" to take and also the position now taken, with differing degrees of regret and remorse, by almost everyone involved. Again, if there has to be a "Mr. Shiite" in Iraq, I can think of worse candidates than Chalabi.
<font size=4>
It is clearer every day that Iraq under Saddam was becoming a failed state as well as a rogue state. The immiseration and humiliation of its people, the looting and degradation of the economy and society, the resort to jihadist rhetoric and measures by the Baath Party and the opening given to clerical demagogues were all even worse than we thought. If this vindicates anybody, it vindicates those who urged a swifter and earlier international rescue expedition. Those who would have left Iraq to rot were only postponing an evil day that would have become steadily more ghastly and costly. Chalabi had been saying this for six years by the time I met him in 1998: Those who now say that the whole mess is his fault are panicking and scapegoating, as well as attributing superhuman powers to one individual. Of course, if he was that good, and that powerful, one might even want to bet on him all over again. <font size=3>

Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair. His book Blood, Class and Empire, has just been published in paperback.

Article URL: slate.msn.com



To: Sully- who wrote (2643)6/5/2004 8:44:15 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
This is not a blog scoop...

Roger L Simon blog

... but it is interesting. Someone just emailed me anonymously an article from the Jerusalem Post from March 3, 2004. <font size=4>As most will recall, the nefarious Ahmad Chalabi stands accused of having "leaked" the information to the Iranians that their code had been broken by US intelligence. Now read this from early last March <font size=3>(I quote in entirety since the link to the JP archive is pay only at this point):

BYLINE: Yaakov Katz
<font color=blue><font size=4>
A secret intelligence unit, known as Unit 8200, broke a sophisticated Iranian code enabling Israel to monitor communications, including contacts with Pakistan regarding the development of Iranian nuclear weapons, The New Yorker reported on Tuesday.

"On a trip to the Middle East last month, I was told that a number of years ago the Israeli signals-intelligence agency, known as Unit 8200, broke a sophisticated Iranian code and began monitoring communications that included talk between Iran and Pakistan about Iran's burgeoning nuclear weapons program,"
<font size=5>investigative reporter Seymour M. Hersh wrote. <font size=3>

According to the report, Israeli intelligence has created strong ties in Iran over the year, some of which still exist. Hersh writes that the investigation by the International Atomic Energy Agency into Iranian nuclear capability was spurred by Israeli intelligence findings which were relayed to the agency via the National Council of Resistance of Iran.
<font size=4>
According to the report, the findings, which showed that senior officials in Teheran and Islamabad had frequent conversations regarding the IAEA investigations, were also shared with US intelligence services.
<font color=black>
Well, fancy that... Seymour Hersh of all people. Could
this be true? So I Googled it and there it was. Obviously,
it wouldn't have taken Chalabi to tell the Iranians their
codes were endangered. They could have read about in The
New Yorker. Maybe they dropped their subscription. Well,
it did get a tad duller under David Remnick and, yes,
maybe it was a different code, but still... 'curiouser'
and 'curiouser'. <font size=3>

rogerlsimon.com