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Politics : Idea Of The Day -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: IQBAL LATIF who wrote (46357)5/29/2004 7:06:36 PM
From: IQBAL LATIF  Respond to of 50167
 
Apparently, Mr Haq, who is federal minister for religious affairs, was invited some days ago to speak at a book launching ceremony. There, he declared that “anyone who did not believe in jihad was neither a Muslim nor a Pakistani”. He also said that “given what is happening to the Muslims, he was prepared himself to act as a human bomb”. (The quotes are from the DT editorial.)

But before I look at the absurdity of these statements, let me assure the ruffled readers that Mr Haq is all thunder and no rain. During BB II, while fulminating against the government he waved a Kalashnikov before a PMLN workers’ rally in Lal Haveli Rawalpindi. The government indicted him for illegal possession of an automatic weapon and instigating violence. Mr Haq beat a hasty retreat and pleaded that the weapon he had held aloft was in fact a wooden toy! I still have the picture with Mr Haq holding the weapon above his head with both hands. It is slightly difficult to see if it is a Russian AK or a Chinese Type-56 but the rifle clearly has a metallic under-folding stock and the wood of its upper and lower front-guards is visible and distinct from the muzzle; in short, it is real!

Rest assured, dear reader, this man is no suicide bomber. His world, to quote T S Eliot, will always end not with a bang but with a whimper.

Taking on the radicals..The Athenian mules —Ejaz Haider

Mr Haq is a loose talker and it is dangerous to have him in the cabinet. The question is: How does one get rid of him? Certainly not by putting him out to pasture. Maybe, he should be taken up on his offer to do jihad. Is he ready to volunteer

I have a problem with the last line of the second Daily Times leader in the May 28 issue, “A federal minister who wants to be a suicide bomber!” It reads: “Of course, the better option would be to put Mr [Ijaz-ul] Haq out to pasture.” And pray, why should that be? What has the gent done to get grazing privileges? Am I being bloody-minded? No. Consider this.

Pericles, the Athenian statesman, liked grand buildings. He built several on the rocks of the plateau that stood in the centre of Athens and was called the Acropolis, the high city. Among others was the famous temple of Athena Parthenos (the Parthenon). But here I am not interested in Pericles or the Parthenon or even the three men — Ictinus, Callicrates and Phidias — who made these buildings possible. My concern is with the Athenian mules.

What about them? The stone for the construction of Parthenon, as also for other buildings, came from Mount Pentellicus. The wagons which hauled the stone to the Acropolis were pulled by mules. This was very hard work and after the construction was completed, the Athenians rewarded the mules by granting them grazing privileges in the finest meadows of the city.

There was reason for Athens to reward its mules. Indeed, I am told after the mules were put out to pasture, one of them returned to the city and would lurk around other working animals seemingly volunteering to do more labour. The Athenians rewarded this animal by using its face on the friezes.

Heaven forbid if someone were to accuse me of equating Mr Haq with the Athenian mules. Indeed, the very point of this tirade is that he cannot be, and for good reason too. He has done nothing in his public life to deserve to be put out to pasture. But let’s move on.

Mr Haq started his public career with a handicap. He is the son of General Zia-ul Haq and that’s a very heavy cross to bear. Of course, this stroke of bad luck could not be held against him since, as they say, we can’t choose our parents. In fact, if Mr Haq had decided to act in the public interest, not only would he have earned respect but in time might even have succeeded in exorcising his father’s ghost. But that was not to be and therefore he has landed with a double-whammy. This I would have called tragedy if the subject of it were not so banal.

Apparently, Mr Haq, who is federal minister for religious affairs, was invited some days ago to speak at a book launching ceremony. There, he declared that “anyone who did not believe in jihad was neither a Muslim nor a Pakistani”. He also said that “given what is happening to the Muslims, he was prepared himself to act as a human bomb”. (The quotes are from the DT editorial.)

But before I look at the absurdity of these statements, let me assure the ruffled readers that Mr Haq is all thunder and no rain. During BB II, while fulminating against the government he waved a Kalashnikov before a PMLN workers’ rally in Lal Haveli Rawalpindi. The government indicted him for illegal possession of an automatic weapon and instigating violence. Mr Haq beat a hasty retreat and pleaded that the weapon he had held aloft was in fact a wooden toy! I still have the picture with Mr Haq holding the weapon above his head with both hands. It is slightly difficult to see if it is a Russian AK or a Chinese Type-56 but the rifle clearly has a metallic under-folding stock and the wood of its upper and lower front-guards is visible and distinct from the muzzle; in short, it is real!

Rest assured, dear reader, this man is no suicide bomber. His world, to quote T S Eliot, will always end not with a bang but with a whimper.

As for the issue of jihad, indeed the qitaal part of it, all states resort to violence whenever they deem it necessary. I am no pacifist, not least because there is no practical or philosophical justification for pacifism except perhaps in the ideal Socratic upper-world. But equally, why must state violence be branded as jihad especially when the word has come to connote a war that is civilisational and interminable and therefore militarily flawed and impractical? Did the Muslim world not object to the use by President Bush of the term ‘crusade’, and rightly so?

Similarly, the concept of shahadat has no operational significance, not least because while it may denote a sacred covenant between the faithful and God, it means nothing in military terms. Indeed, a trained soldier is required to inflict maximum damage on the enemy while keeping himself and the lives of the men under his command secure to the extent it is possible. As for suicide bombing, this is not the column to discuss its significance within asymmetric warfare. The only thing that can be said here is that Mr Haq certainly is not someone who should be holding forth on it in his demagogic and cavalier manner.

Mr Haq is a loose talker and it is dangerous to have him in the cabinet. The question is: How does one get rid of him? Certainly not by putting him out to pasture. Maybe, he should be taken up on his offer to do jihad. Is he ready to volunteer?

Ejaz Haider is News Editor of The Friday Times and Foreign Editor of Daily Times
dailytimes.com.pk



To: IQBAL LATIF who wrote (46357)5/29/2004 7:10:56 PM
From: IQBAL LATIF  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 50167
 
The real war that we are fighting- The Christian Samuel Masih, accused in a case of blasphemy, who was attacked by a police constable deputed to guard him, has died of his head injury.Since ‘79 — in 1981 the state stipulated that blasphemy was punishable with mandatory death sentence — there have been hundreds of cases.

Editorial-State’s religious and legal contradictions

The Christian Samuel Masih, accused in a case of blasphemy, who was attacked by a police constable deputed to guard him, has died of his head injury. Earlier, the police arrested the constable who had attacked him and he is in police custody. The killer’s reason was simple: Masih had allegedly blasphemed against the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and it was his (constable’s) duty to kill him for doing so. This is a case that brings out, like nothing else, the myriad contradictions these laws have infused in this state and society.

Until 1979 when General Zia-ul Haq pushed the blasphemy business to the forefront of his Islamic legislation, only six people had been charged under blasphemy and all the cases were laughed out of the courts. Since ‘79 — in 1981 the state stipulated that blasphemy was punishable with mandatory death sentence — there have been hundreds of cases. The lower courts have invariable sentenced the accused, though higher courts have always found the cases mala fide and freed the accused. However, for the accused this has meant spending seven to eight years in jail before the dispensation of justice. The accused are also at great risk during and after the trial. Some have been bumped off in jail and others have had to move out of Pakistan to avoid being killed.

When the government floated the idea of amending the procedure under which someone is accused of blasphemy, the rightwing lobby argued that it was best for people to be in police custody because after being thus charged a person was at risk of being killed by the people if he/she were allowed to remain at large. It was a diabolical argument. But even if it were accepted for the sake of the reasoning, what would the rightwing say now that a constable has chosen to kill an accused?

The fact is that it is a bad law both in its conception and its implementation. Hence it is flawed at both ends. Cases, in which under-trial accused have been killed by the direct or indirect involvement of law enforcement personnel, clearly show that the legislation has created a psyche that encourages vigilante behaviour. This is of course a problem that will always present itself when a state decides to blunder into the area of belief and legislate on the basis of the predominant religion.

The contradiction it sows is clearly visible in the conduct of the constable who, as an officer of the state, was deputed to ensure the safety of the accused. Instead, he chose to kill him. Why? Simply, because his perceived religious obligation overrode his duty as an officer of the law. He thought the law conflicted with his duty as a Muslim. Since he believed this to be a religious state, he felt that it could not have laws that conflicted with the higher aims of the state. His reasoning, flawed as it is, is logical, given the Pakistani state’s own contradictions.

Punjab’s Inspector-General Police says the training schedule so far does not have a consistent component on human and citizens’ rights. The IGP wants to rectify this situation. Wonderful. However, this problem needs to be tackled at both ends of the spectrum. While the IGP is planning to do it at the low end of the spectrum, the state needs to do its own thing at the high end of the spectrum. This would require the state to reverse the retrogressive laws responsible for generating the contradictions that result in such tragedies and present Pakistan as a savage society refusing to heed the logic of pluralism. *

dailytimes.com.pk