An authoritative and more objective opinion by a respected journalist in Pakistan
Amidst all of the cheerleading by the host of this thread regarding the wonders that Musharraf has wrought in Pakistan, here is a critique that represents the reality which exists in that country.
For readers of this thread, don’t be misled by the fawning praise that the host offers to everything that Musharraf does. It really does not represent anything like the reality of what is happening in Pakistan.
Ayaz Amir is one of the most respected journalists in Pakistan. If you want to know more about him check out:
Message 20175313
Republic terrorized by fools
By Ayaz Amir
After four and a half years in power General Pervez Musharraf feels brave enough to fix the world's problems. In his op-ed article published by the Washington Post and dutifully carried by the country's leading English dailies he declares his credo.
"The suffering of the innocent multitudes, particularly my brethren in faith -- the Muslims -- at the hands of militants, extremists and terrorists has inspired me to contribute towards bringing some order to this disorderly world."
No one can accuse Pakistani leaders of not being high-minded. Their own country may be in a mess, its largest city paralysed by lawlessness, yet they are moved by the ambition to bring order to the world.
Who pushed the Generalissimo into this exercise in high-powered journalism? Whatever other purpose the article serves, it takes good care of the English language, thereby dealing a severe blow to imperialism.
The very first sentence is a premonition of what is to come. "The world is passing through a tumultuous period ever since the dawn of the '90s, with no signs of relenting." Relenting? Relenting on the part of whom? So it goes on.
Syntax aside, does anyone have the foggiest idea about what's cooking in Islamabad? When they enrolled themselves in George Bush's wars, our leaders thought they were buying an insurance policy for survival. Now they don't know what's hitting them.
Terrorism was supposed to be rooted out. Instead, its power grows by the day, the initiative squarely with its perpetrators and the government clueless how to respond.
For reasons of security the president remains largely confined to his house and camp office in Rawalpindi, the intelligence agencies stretched thin trying to protect him. They also have their political work cut out, broadening the Q League, unifying PPP renegades. Then we also expect them to look out for violence and terrorism.
Imagine if CIA and FBI were rounding up Congressmen and senators and trying to prejudge the American presidential election. They'd be hard put to do anything else.
After the mayhem in Karachi the nation is informed that the president contemplates decisive action. Great and high time too. But wait a minute: action against whom?
The people of Sindh didn't choose the mixed pickle and jam which is their present government. Governor Ishrat-ul-Abad of the MQM and Chief Minister Ali Muhammad Mahar of no known political persuasion are products of manipulation and pressure, Islamabad's unwelcome gift to a reluctant province.
Not long ago, the MQM was denounced as a terrorist outfit. Now its alleged sins stand washed because of Musharraf's political compulsions. It's a measure of how fast things change in this country that some middle-ranking police officers known to be active against the MQM, have been brutally murdered during over the last year or so.
What signal does this send to the Karachi police? And knowing what has befallen some of their colleagues, are they to be blamed if they are less than zealous in performing their duties?
Now if these two Islamabad-anointed satraps have been exposed as administrative disasters, where's the surprise? If Karachi is hit by chaos, who is to blame: they or their masters?
Pakistan is in the grip not so much of lawlessness as of confusion, the lawlessness a byproduct of the confusion. The laws are there but nothing akin to parliamentary democracy or the rule of law exists in Pakistan.
The source of all authority, the fountainhead of law, is the army chief of staff's cane. Where it swings, what it points at and what line it demarcates, is national policy at any given moment.
Decisive action with regard to Sindh and Karachi would mean not the search for scapegoats, which is the tempting option, but confining this cane strictly to the C-in-C's office and allowing Sindh a government more representative of popular wishes than the farce symbolized by Abad and Mahar.
So straightforward a course of action elsewhere, so complicated in Pakistan. For it represents a momentous act of self-denial, something Pakistan army chiefs are simply not programmed to deliver.
"Enlightened moderation" is a tautology for moderation is enlightened by definition. Before deploying this expression at every turn, Musharraf could ponder the meaning of another one: "enlightened self-interest".
Forget about what's good for the country. Seekers of power are not impressed by abstract arguments. Musharraf will be the biggest gainer if, through some miracle of vision and courage, he moves from authoritarianism to democracy. He will acquire more power and legitimacy than his army position ever gave him.
Instead, Musharraf is stuck in a halfway house, half military ruler, half constitutional head. It isn't working, not for him and not for the country. He can't remain army chief forever. For if he breaks his pledge to step down, he becomes a compromised figure, as much in the army as in the country.
But when he exits from GHQ, his only political ballast will come from the fair-weather loyalties of the Q League. And the Chaudries will then look different from what they look now.
Rumours of the impending exit of Prime Minister Jamali only underscore the contradictions and frailties of this creaky system. Jamali was chosen for loyalty, dependability, docility.
Now he is expected to deliver, even though his wings are cut and Musharraf insists on calling the shots. Make anyone else prime minister and if you give him Jamali's powers, he will be another Jamali.
The problem is not Jamali. It's altogether different. When General Zia dissolved the National Assembly in 1988, he lost it and seemed at the mercy of the elements. General Musharraf has dismissed no assembly but he looks in much the same position.
Why? Because times have changed and events which took longer to unfold are now compressed into a shorter timeframe. Musharraf has spoken his lines and played his part.
Anything he says or does now will be a repeat performance, drawing no applause because the people are tired. They may not be taking to the barricades. The spirit for that died long ago in Pakistan. But they yearn for change.
They are also sick and tired of the American connection. The American yoke sits heavily on Pakistan. If the people of Pakistan had their way they'd tell the Americans to leave tomorrow.
The Pakistani establishment has yet to realize it but the old paradigms have shifted. The new enemy, the new threat to Pakistani security, comes from the US and its irresponsible policies in this part of the world, not India.
In fact, an equitable relationship with India, realistic rather than starry-eyed, is Pakistan's best guarantee to safeguard national independence and stand up to American pressure.
Indian Foreign Minister Natwar Singh's proposal for a shared nuclear doctrine between China, India and Pakistan is radical in its import. For it implies an ability to look for regional solutions to regional problems, free from outside interference. It also gives Pakistan protection against American designs to castrate its nuke capability.
All this requires a confident government alive to its responsibilities. It also requires a new national consensus. For long the army has been part of the problem. History now places upon its shoulders the responsibility to be part of the solution.
Not by stepping forward but by taking two or three decisive steps back. In its "enlightened self-interest" the army has to realize that with the region aflame and in turmoil, Pakistan's interests are best served by a return to democracy.
Musharraf doesn't have to be the victim of this restoration. He can even be its father, leading the country to new vistas. Provided he puts his faith in the Constitution and the spirit of our founding fathers rather than in the fools who are terrorizing and making a joke of Pakistan.
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