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Strategies & Market Trends : Mish's Global Economic Trend Analysis -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Knighty Tin who wrote (7767)6/10/2004 10:37:42 AM
From: mishedlo  Respond to of 116555
 
bls.gov

The U.S. Import Price Index increased 1.6 percent in May, the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor reported today. The increase was led by petroleum, up 10.3 percent in May, the largest one-month advance in petroleum prices since February 2003. Export prices were up 0.3 percent in May, as both agricultural and nonagricultural export prices continued to increase.



To: Knighty Tin who wrote (7767)6/10/2004 10:58:21 AM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116555
 
China: Global Landing Scenarios
Andy Xie (Hong Kong)
Morgan Stanley
Jun 10, 2004

Summary and Investment Conclusion

Facing rising inflation, the Fed has to raise interest rates, in my view. However, the inflationary pressure is an echo from a vast bubble that the Fed has created by keeping real interest rates negative; fighting inflation could pop the bubble.

The negative real interest rate has spawned property price bubbles in major Anglo-Saxon cities and a quantity property bubble in major cities in China. The global landing scenarios that remain are that one pops or both pop.

I would assign one-third odds to each of the three scenarios. If the Fed could raise interest rates very slowly, say, 25 bps per quarter, both bubbles may persist and may even expand for a while longer. If the Fed raises interest rates by 50 bps per quarter, as the market is currently expecting, the Anglo-Saxon property bubble may survive but China’s probably wouldn’t. If the Fed has to raise interest rates by 100 bps per quarter, which is the pattern that history would suggest, both bubbles are likely to pop.

Property prices in major cities will provide the key signals to the stability of this bubble. If the Fed manages to preserve both property bubbles during the reversal of its interest rate policy, the global economy could have a soft landing. However, the Sydney property bubble is already bursting. Could the others really survive?

Asset Bubbles Are the Real Story

The world is worrying about inflation. It should, but for a different reason. Surging demand for oil, minerals, metals, and grain since 2002 has sparked inflationary pressure. The force behind the demand surge is the bubbles spawned by negative real interest rates.

Massive capital flow into China caused a quantity bubble in its fixed investment sector (mainly in property and its supply industries). This has resulted in a surge in demand for related commodities and equipment, sparking a capex boom in the economies (especially emerging economies) that export such products to China.

The negative real interest rate also caused a property price bubble in major Anglo-Saxon cities. The wealth effect has supported a consumption boom in these cities, which is the foundation for the consumer-led growth in these economies. This consumption boom has also triggered rapid increase in demand for oil.

The high commodity prices are now seeping into other components of the consumer price index in the Anglo-Saxon economies, forcing their central banks to raise interest rates.

Why Should Central Banks Raise Interest Rates?

There are arguments as to why central banks should or should not react to cost-push inflation. The argument against raising interest rates is that it may trigger inflation expectations that may spark a vicious cycle of labor demanding higher wages and businesses raising prices to fund wage hikes. The argument in defense of raising interest rates is that globalization has decreased the slope of the labor supply curve in every economy and inflation expectations could take hold in an era of global labor competition.

I believe that the cost-push inflation matters greatly because it reflects misallocation of resources caused by the twin bubbles (see “The Twin Bubbles,” April 5, 2004). Addressing the current inflation is equivalent to deflating the bubbles.

Since the central banks, mainly the Fed, created the bubbles to create an upturn in the global economy, why should they want to deflate the bubbles? One could argue that the Fed should try to ignore the current inflation to the maximum extent possible and sustain the bubbles. Of course, the Fed would prefer to remove the negative real interest rate if the global economy could sustain the growth that the bubbles have sparked. Deflating bubbles would certainly destroy the growth momentum. Thus, the Fed’s dream scenario is that the interest rate goes up but the bubbles remain. The only possible way to get there is to increase interest rates as slowly as possible.

However, the bond market may not like it. The Fed has argued that it does not need to care about asset prices as long as it keeps inflation under control and, hence, the value of bonds has an anchor. If the Fed fudges its response to inflation, the confidence in the bond market could collapse, which would bring down the property market with it. This is why the Fed has to raise interest rates according to the wishes of the bond market even though it could pop the bubbles.

Does the Speed of Interest Rate Hikes Matter?

The argument in favor of raising interest rates slowly is that rapid rate hikes could cause big losses at the hedge funds that have carry-trades. The impact could mushroom into a financial crisis that engulfs a global financial system that is stitched together with complicated derivatives. This is certainly a valid argument considering how fast the hedge fund industry has grown in this cycle.

The speed of rate hikes also matters to the property developers in China that are caught with a huge inventory of works-in-progress. Because China has a pegged exchange rate regime, it must follow the Fed in its interest rate policy. The country is sitting on a massive amount of speculative capital that occurred with the expectation of renminbi appreciation, and the money has been lent out by China’s banking system. Otherwise, this stock of capital would leave, causing a liquidity crunch.

High rises dominate China’s property market; from land acquisition to completion, the cycle takes about three years. As the loans that fund property development are all short-term and property developers have little real equity capital, rising interest rates could trigger liquidity crises among property developers. Hence, if interest rates rise slowly, there would be less of these liquidity crises as more developers can complete and sell their developments before they run out of money.

Thus, if the twin bubbles are to remain, the Fed has to increase interest rates exceptionally slowly. My guess is that the Fed could raise interest rates by 25 bps per quarter in order to preserve both bubbles. The market has priced in a Fed that is twice as aggressive. It would take major disappointments in the US labor market for the market to accept such a scenario. This is why I believe that equity markets could remain strong only if the US labor market disappoints.

If the Fed raises interest rates by 50 bps per quarter as priced in the market now, I seriously doubt that China’s property bubble could remain intact. The market value of the property under construction plus completed buildings in inventory could reach US$600 billion by the end of 2004 (35% of 2004 GDP in my estimation). If the interest rate moves up by 2% in one year, the funding cost may rise by more than US$10 billion. Considering the limited real equity in this sector, many developers could go bankrupt.

Higher interest rates would also affect property demand in China significantly. The China Banking Regulatory Commission requires that mortgage payments should not exceed 50% of household income. As China’s mortgage products have floating short-term interest rates, rising interest rates could have a major impact on affordability. The current mortgage interest rate is about 5%. For a 20-year mortgage, the first year payment is 10% of the mortgage face value. If interest rates rise by 2%, the payment burden would rise by 20%.

What to Watch?

I assign one-third probability to each of the three landing scenarios for the global economy. The leading indicator would be the market expectation of how fast and by how much the Fed would raise interest rates. If new data points prompt the market to expect a more aggressive Fed, the bursting of the twin bubbles would become more likely. In such a scenario, an aggressive Fed would be quickly followed by a Fed easing again. However, unless another bubble materializes quickly, the global economy would be quite sluggish in this scenario.

If the Anglo-Saxon bubble stays but China’s pops, the global economy should fare quite a bit better. As China invests less, there would be more money to fuel the Anglo-Saxon bubble. Hence, property prices in London and New York could rise further in this scenario. The world would be similar to 1998 when the Anglo-Saxon economies did well but Asian economies did poorly.

If both bubbles remain, the global economy would be quite strong as it is now. The interest rate hikes would not dampen the growth momentum in the global economy. Financial markets are pricing in this scenario. However, I reiterate that it only warrants a one-third probability, in my view.

What Is the End-Game?

The world has been moving from one bubble to another since the 1985 Plaza Accord. Is it possible for the global economy to extricate itself from this vicious cycle? Of course, economics would tell us that there is an efficient equilibrium somewhere. The problem is that the Fed has been trying to solve structural problems with demand stimulus. Technology and globalization require capital and labor to be redeployed significantly. The process requires time and flexible factor markets. Many economies in the world do not have flexible factor markets. Instead of reforming factor markets, policymakers are tempted to use short-term solutions, i.e., demand stimulus, to cover up the structural problems.

The world would change only if the Fed refuses to ease during a downturn. It would then force policymakers to face structural problems and undertake difficult reforms. Some argue that that would be the end of globalization, because politicians could not push through the necessary reforms. Then, we are just postponing the day of reckoning with bubbles. The day of reckoning would surely come when the world has run out of bubbles to create. Would the world be better off on such a path?

morganstanley.com



To: Knighty Tin who wrote (7767)6/10/2004 11:09:30 AM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116555
 
Global: First to Go?

Stephen Roach (from Cap d'Antibes)

I continue to see the world economy as a two-engine story — the Chinese producer on the supply side and the American consumer on the demand side. While there are signs that growth is now picking up elsewhere in the global economy, I maintain my view that most of these spillover effects are traceable either to the US or China. With both of the world’s growth engines having gone to excess, a downshift in global momentum is a distinct possibility — especially in light of recent (China) and prospective (America) policy actions. Who will be the first to go?



China gets my vote. Unlike America’s Federal Reserve, which at this point is still all talk, the Chinese authorities have moved forcefully to rein in an overheated economy. The monetary tightening campaign of the People’s Bank of China began in earnest in late August 2003, with an adjustment in reserve requirements. Since then, the PBOC has made two additional modifications to banking system reserve ratios — one in March and another in April. More recently, the State Council — the functional equivalent of the Cabinet in the Chinese government — has entered the fray with a series of administrative actions: First, in late April, capital requirements were imposed on investment activity in several overheated industries — steel, aluminum, cement, and real estate; then came a temporary moratorium on all bank lending; those actions were subsequently followed in early May by targeted price controls at the provincial and local levels of jurisdiction.



This flurry of activity speaks of a two-pronged campaign of policy restraint in China: The central bank is relying on traditional instruments of macro stabilization policy (i.e., reserve requirements), whereas the central government is implementing a series of micro measures targeted at those sectors that have overheated the most. This blended strategy is very much in keeping with the mixed character of the Chinese economy — a combination of state-owned enterprises, newly privatized entities, and an increasing number of homegrown private companies. This approach is also tailor-made for a highly fragmented Chinese economy. Beijing can only do so much at the top — provincial and local officials still have great autonomy to march to their own beat. That’s especially the case for the banking system, where local branches gather their own deposits and build their own loan books.



By operating in both the macro and the micro realms of policy restraint, the Chinese authorities are addressing the inherent tensions between the top (i.e., Beijing) and the bottom (i.e., municipalities) of this vast economy. I heard it directly from Premier Wen last March, when at the China Development Forum he expressed a very strong determination to slow an overheated Chinese economy (see my 24 March dispatch, “China — Determined to Slow”). The actions that have since followed demonstrate the conviction of that determination. And I remain confident that they will work. We continue to have an active debate over the character of the coming slowdown in China. I remain in the soft-landing camp and Andy Xie is more worried about a hard landing. But rest assured, there will be a landing in one form or another — and sooner rather than later. For the major force on the supply side of the global economy, the coming landing in China represents a serious about-face.



I wish I could speak with equal confidence about the prognosis for the American consumer. I continue to believe that US consumption demand will turn out to be the weakest link in America’s macro chain as the Fed now embarks on its long-awaited campaign of policy normalization. The problem with this call is that it sounds like a broken record — I have been bemoaning the vulnerability of the American consumer ever since the equity bubble popped over four years ago. That’s not to say there wasn’t a meaningful post-bubble shakeout for the American consumer; after all, real consumption growth slowed to a 2.8% annual rate in the three years following the bursting of the equity bubble — more than 35% slower than the five-year growth rate of 4.4% that occurred while the bubble was expanding over the 1996 to 2000 period. But the post-bubble consumption downshift was certainly milder than I had expected, and, of course, it has since been followed by a 4.3% resurgence of real consumer demand over the most recent four-quarter interval (ending in 1Q04).



Notwithstanding the shaky fundamentals of weak labor income, low saving, and excess debt, the American consumer has continued to plow ahead. I have attributed this remarkable outcome to Washington — namely, the truly remarkable confluence of open-ended deficit spending (i.e., tax cuts) and extraordinary monetary accommodation (i.e., a negative real federal funds rate). And I believe as this policy stimulus now fades, the overly extended American consumer will no longer have the wherewithal to keep driving the demand side of the US and broader global economy. Sure, jobs are on now on the rebound and that should provide some compensation for the withdrawal of the Washington “steroid effect.” But, in my view, courtesy of unrelenting cost-cutting and the global labor arbitrage that this encourages, that compensation will be partial, at best (see my 7 June dispatch, “The Baton Pass”). Moreover, as the Fed now raises interest rates, I also worry that the big surprise could be the carnage brought about by the ever-ticking household debt bomb (see my June 5 dispatch, “The Mother of All Carry Trades”).



Yet at this point in time, the consumer downshift call is only a forecast — and one with not much credibility in this Brave New Era. Addicted to shopping and the debt it engenders, the American consumer remains unflinching in the face of adversity. Last month was a classic case in point: As oil prices surged through the ominous $40 threshold, consumers bought motor vehicles with a vengeance — sales hit their high for the year at a 17.5 million annual rate. Figure that one out? Over the past weekend, I couldn’t get into my local filling station in Connecticut — three gas-guzzling Hummers had effectively blocked the pumps simultaneously. This is America.



When the Chinese authorities want to get their way, they usually win — suggesting that the China slowdown bet is a good one. When the American consumer wants to get its way, it normally wins as well — implying that the consolidation bet is risky. Consequently, with the resilience — or should I say denial — of the American consumer hard to crack, there’s little doubt in my mind that China deserves the vote as the “first to go” in the global growth dynamic. Yet there’s an ominous feature that both of these overextended engines have in common: The recent growth excesses of the American consumer and the Chinese producer have both been driven by spending on durable goods. Durable goods consumption is now greater than 10% of US GDP — an all-time high and well in excess of the pre-equity-bubble share of around 7% in 1995. Half way around the world, Chinese fixed investment has risen to more than 40% of that nation’s GDP.



Over the long sweep of history, durable goods spending cycles have followed a very predictable pattern. Such spending is “lumpy” — it involves the accumulation of long-lived assets such as cars and trucks (America) and property, plant, equipment, and infrastructure (China). When these cycles go to excess, spending typically borrows from outlays that would have occurred in the future. The payback from what economists call the “stock adjustment effect” -- the tendency of durables goods to gravitate toward a long-term optimal, or equilibrium, stock -- is a time-honored feature of the business cycle. And there can be no mistaking the excesses of the recent spike of durables demand in both countries. Fixed investment in China spiked to a 53% Y-o-Y comparison in January and February 2004, whereas growth in US durables consumption accelerated to a 10.6% annual rate in the year ending 1Q04. In both instances, China and the US have upped the ante on their long-standing durable goods binge; the most recent burst of above-trend vigor is now flashing a warning of a looming payback effect.



Needless to say, the two-engine global economy would be in tough shape if the stock adjustment effect were to hit in both China and the US simultaneously. Yet that possibility cannot be ruled out. Such a tough combination would certainly take financial markets by great surprise. The consensus expects a slowdown of one sort or another in China, but has all but given up on the case for any capitulation by the American consumer. There’s an even more ominous twist to this tale: If US consumption slows when China is coming in for a landing, the Chinese economy could be hit by a double whammy — an investment-led slowdown to domestic demand and a US-led slowdown to external demand. Such an outcome would seal China’s fate in the eyes of investors — the hard-landing play would be on with a vengeance. And even I would then have to concede that Beijing would more than have its hands full.



An unbalanced global economy has to be very careful in staging the coming rebalancing. The odds favor the Chinese producer leading the way. The risks point to the American consumer as a wild card entrant in this realignment. Yet in a two-engine world, there may only be room for one of these slowdowns.

Stephen Roach (from Cap d’Antibes)



To: Knighty Tin who wrote (7767)6/10/2004 11:38:52 AM
From: mishedlo  Respond to of 116555
 
Now we have another number for them to F us with.

Outsourcing cost 4,633 U.S. jobs in first quarter By Rex Nutting
WASHINGTON (CBS.MW) -- Foreign outsourcing cost 4,633 U.S. workers their jobs in the first three months of 2004, the Labor Department estimated Thursday. In its first-ever estimate of outsourcing, the Labor Department said moving jobs overseas accounted for about 2.5 percent of the 182,456 workers who lost their jobs for longer than a month for nonseasonal factors. Moving jobs within the United States accounted for 9,985 layoffs, or 5.5 percent of nonseasonal layoffs. Seventy-six percent of jobs moved were within the same company, although 36 percent of jobs moved overseas were with a different company. The department's mass layoff data covers companies with more than 50 workers filing for unemployment benefits for a month or more. The data don't measure outsourcing at smaller companies or outsourcing that did not involve mass layoffs.