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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: steve harris who wrote (584117)6/19/2004 7:08:00 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 769670
 
G.O.P. Offensive Puts Small Dent in Kerry's Image

By ADAM NAGOURNEY
and JIM RUTENBERG

Published: June 20, 2004

WASHINGTON, June 19 — When John Kerry effectively nailed down the Democratic presidential nomination on March 2, the White House was waiting. With relentless precision, it began a 90-day campaign to weaken Mr. Kerry's candidacy, a blast that included record spending on television advertisements and attacks on Mr. Kerry's credentials and ideology led by President Bush himself.

The Republican spring offensive — unusual in its early timing, its toughness <?b>and the decision of Mr. Bush to personally engage his opponent so far before November — effectively ends on Sunday, as the Bush campaign suspends its broadcast television advertising until next month.

Three months and $85 million after Mr. Bush began, pollsters and independent analysts said that while Mr. Bush had raised doubts about Mr. Kerry, he had not scored as much damage as some Democrats had feared — or some Republicans had anticipated — with this unusually expensive and early assault, particularly given the size of the investment and the use of Mr. Bush.



Mr. Kerry is viewed more negatively by voters than he was on the morning of March 3, and Mr. Bush appears to have succeeded in planting doubts about the firmness of Mr. Kerry's convictions, according to a variety of polls.

But polls also show Mr. Bush and Mr. Kerry tied, while Mr. Kerry continues to be viewed more favorably than not. Democrats seem relieved that this period has ended, and more confident of victory than they did when Mr. Bush's attack began in March, all the more so as Mr. Kerry has eclipsed Mr. Bush in his fund-raising over the same period.

"I don't think anyone can look at this data we've released and say Kerry's a candidate who's been trashed and discredited," said Andrew Kohut, director of the nonpartisan Pew Research Center, referring to recent polling numbers collected by his organization.

Mr. Bush's advisers said they were satisfied with their offensive. They noted that it had diminished a lead Mr. Kerry briefly enjoyed over Mr. Bush, and argued that it planted seeds of doubt Mr. Kerry would regret come the fall.

Still, they acknowledged that their intricate effort to portray Mr. Kerry as an untrustworthy advocate of high taxes, defense cuts and liberal values had been complicated by the turmoil in Iraq and the Sept. 11 commission hearings.

"During this whole period we had as difficult a month of news as any president's had to deal with," said Mr. Bush's campaign manager, Ken Mehlman. "Despite that, the president's favorable-unfavorable rating has largely not changed. And the American public has come to know who John Kerry is."

Asked to rate the success of the Bush offensive, Mr. Mehlman said, "It's kind of what we thought it would be, although, given the difficult news environment of the past month, we're in stronger position than we would have thought we would have been in."

Rudy Boschwitz, a former senator from Minnesota and one of Mr. Bush's top fund-raisers, said that "outside influences on the campaign are such that it's hard to make this kind of evaluation, that the money has been well spent or poorly spent." But he did acknowledge that there were questions about the strategy.

"It has to be spent," Mr. Boschwitz said. "One could say it should be spent a little closer to the action, but, apparently they have adequate funds, thanks to people like me, to keep it going."

The state of play does not appear to be the result of any particular expertise by the Kerry campaign, or of mistakes by Mr. Bush. Rather, it reflects the extent to which both campaigns have been whipped by events beyond their control, and the challenges of trying to influence public opinion at a time of turmoil and voter polarization.

If Mr. Bush's advertising has had less of an impact than some Republicans might have hoped for, Mr. Kerry's campaign, which began in late April, has not appeared to produce the kind of shifts in opinions about him that some Democrats might have wanted, though some outside analysts credit it with at the very least undoing some damage done by Mr. Bush's. And as Mr. Bush's aides noted, the unexpectedly high expenditures by Mr. Kerry, combined with television spending by independent liberal and Democratic organizations attacking Mr. Bush, outpaced Mr. Bush's spending, suggesting that the two sides had advertised themselves into a standoff.

"I don't think the Bush people had a bad strategy," said Bill Carrick, a Democratic consultant. "I just don't think it worked out. The strategy got overwhelmed by current events and Kerry opting out of the campaign finance system."

Mr. Bush's senior campaign strategist, Karl Rove, argued that these events had in the end not undermined the White House strategy, because the turmoil in Iraq did not begin until about a month after the advertising campaign began.

Continued........

nytimes.com



To: steve harris who wrote (584117)6/19/2004 7:11:44 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Blair Confronts Political Burdens of Iraq

By PATRICK E. TYLER

Published: June 20, 2004










LONDON, June 19 — Every British prime minister faces dark hours, but for Tony Blair it seems as if time has stood still at the nadir of his political career. The slump in his popularity brought on by the war in Iraq stubbornly will not come to an end.

Mr. Blair bounded into the top floor conference room at No. 10 Downing Street this week, radiating his trademark charm and sunny disposition to 100 reporters gathered for his monthly news conference.

"Iraq has dominated the agenda over many months and there is no point pretending otherwise," Mr. Blair told them pre-emptively. "But I should say to you that I believe every bit as passionately now that rogue states, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction are indeed the security threat of the 21st century, and we have to confront them."

It was an assertion that did not carry the weight it did 16 months ago when he took the nation to war.

Though he tried valiantly in an hour of questioning to turn the national discussion back to the domestic agenda, he found himself in the familiar defensive crouch, over Iraq, over the poor showing of his party in local and European parliamentary elections and over the political malaise that grips much of the country.


Ann Treneman, who covers Parliament for The Times of London, wrote that the air was so heavy with torpor that it could have been packaged as a tranquilizer. Only Mr. Blair seemed impervious to the mood.

"He's like an aging relative who refuses to wear a hearing aid," wrote Polly Toynbee, a columnist of The Guardian. "He will lead, he will not bend, and he will do what he thinks right, even if he's the only one who thinks it."

As Britain begins to look for an exit strategy from Iraq before national elections next year, Mr. Blair, like President Bush, is struggling against strong political turbulence that has significantly undermined the sense of high purpose with which the two leaders sent their armies off to war in 2003.

It seems a strange plight for the youngest and most successful Labor prime minister in a century, who dragged the socialists, lefties and union chiefs of the old Labor Party back to the center of British politics with landslide victories in 1997 and 2001, who adopted the pro-business outlook of Margaret Thatcher, and who then planted the anchors of British foreign policy firmly between the United States and Europe.

"In British politics, it is not unusual for a government of any party to have a midterm slump in their support," said Nick Brown, a former leader in Parliament for the Labor Party. "The only government that hasn't had one is our own in the first term, so it has come more as shock to us to have a second-term slump."

Like the American president, Mr. Blair has kept tight discipline over his party to brave the onslaught of bad news about Iraq.

But where Mr. Bush's Republican base is secure, girded by conservatives, Mr. Blair's liberal base is riven with revolt. Many would like the prime minister to step aside and allow Gordon Brown, chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Blair's longtime political soul mate, to step up to the top job.

Iraq thus pulls like the millstone around Mr. Blair's neck, and its weight has undermined his role as the pivotal prime minister, one whose leadership in Europe was supposed to give him more leverage over the Bush administration, and whose influence in Washington was supposed to strengthen Britain's hand in Europe.

At a critical summit meeting in Brussels this week over the future of Europe, Mr. Blair spent most of his time on the defensive over the rise of anti-Europe sentiment among British voters. And Mr. Blair's most recent trip to Washington, where he endorsed the Bush approach to Middle East peace, set off a broad protest at home from former diplomats who said the American approach was "doomed to failure."

The pivotal prime minister has become the diminished prime minister, facing a summer of more uncertain news about Iraq, including a report from Lord Butler, who has been examining the failure of British intelligence in the matter of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons or their components.


Continued
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nytimes.com