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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (49426)6/20/2004 5:40:42 PM
From: T L Comiskey  Respond to of 89467
 
Let's Hope the 'screening'...
starts at ..The Top

Bush To Screen Everyone For 'Mental Illness'
All 'Disruptive' Children To Be Forcibly Medicated?
By Jeanne Lenzer
British Medical Journal
6-19-4

NEW YORK -- A sweeping mental health initiative will be unveiled by President George W Bush in July. The plan promises to integrate mentally ill patients fully into the community by providing "services in the community, rather than institutions," according to a March 2004 progress report entitled New Freedom Initiative (www.whitehouse.gov/infocus/newfreedom/toc-2004.html). While some praise the plan's goals, others say it protects the profits of drug companies at the expense of the public.

Bush established the New Freedom Commission on Mental Health in April 2002 to conduct a "comprehensive study of the United States mental health service delivery system." The commission issued its recommendations in July 2003. Bush instructed more than 25 federal agencies to develop an implementation plan based on those recommendations.

The president's commission found that "despite their prevalence, mental disorders often go undiagnosed" and recommended comprehensive mental health screening for "consumers of all ages," including preschool children. According to the commission, "Each year, young children are expelled from preschools and childcare facilities for severely disruptive behaviours and emotional disorders." Schools, wrote the commission, are in a "key position" to screen the 52 million students and 6 million adults who work at the schools.

The commission also recommended "Linkage [of screening] with treatment and supports" including "state-of-the-art treatments" using "specific medications for specific conditions." The commission commended the Texas Medication Algorithm Project (TMAP) as a "model" medication treatment plan that "illustrates an evidence-based practice that results in better consumer outcomes."

Dr Darrel Regier, director of research at the American Psychiatric Association (APA), lauded the president's initiative and the Texas project model saying, "What's nice about TMAP is that this is a logical plan based on efficacy data from clinical trials."

He said the association has called for increased funding for implementation of the overall plan.

But the Texas project, which promotes the use of newer, more expensive antidepressants and antipsychotic drugs, sparked off controversy when Allen Jones, an employee of the Pennsylvania Office of the Inspector General, revealed that key officials with influence over the medication plan in his state received money and perks from drug companies with a stake in the medication algorithm (15 May, p1153). He was sacked this week for speaking to the BMJ and the New York Times.

The Texas project started in 1995 as an alliance of individuals from the pharmaceutical industry, the University of Texas, and the mental health and corrections systems of Texas. The project was funded by a Robert Wood Johnson grant - and by several drug companies.

Mr Jones told the BMJ that the same "political/pharmaceutical alliance" that generated the Texas project was behind the recommendations of the New Freedom Commission, which, according to his whistleblower report, were "poised to consolidate the TMAP effort into a comprehensive national policy to treat mental illness with expensive, patented medications of questionable benefit and deadly side effects, and to force private insurers to pick up more of the tab" (http://psychrights.org/Drugs/AllenJonesTMAPJanuary20.pdf ).

Larry D Sasich, research associate with Public Citizen in Washington, DC, told the BMJ that studies in both the United States and Great Britain suggest that "using the older drugs first makes sense. There's nothing in the labeling of the newer atypical antipsychotic drugs that suggests they are superior in efficacy to haloperidol [an older "typical" antipsychotic]. There has to be an enormous amount of unnecessary expenditures for the newer drugs."

Olanzapine (trade name Zyprexa), one of the atypical antipsychotic drugs recommended as a first line drug in the Texas algorithm, grossed $4.28bn (£2.35bn; Euro3.56bn) worldwide in 2003 and is Eli Lilly's top selling drug. A 2003 New York Times article by Gardiner Harris reported that 70% of olanzapine sales are paid for by government agencies, such as Medicare and Medicaid.

Eli Lilly, manufacturer of olanzapine, has multiple ties to the Bush administration. George Bush Sr was a member of Lilly's board of directors and Bush Jr appointed Lilly's chief executive officer, Sidney Taurel, to a seat on the Homeland Security Council. Lilly made $1.6m in political contributions in 2000ó82% of which went to Bush and the Republican Party.

Jones points out that the companies that helped to start up the Texas project have been, and still are, big contributors to the election funds of George W Bush. In addition, some members of the New Freedom Commission have served on advisory boards for these same companies, while others have direct ties to the Texas Medication Algorithm Project.

Bush was the governor of Texas during the development of the Texas project, and, during his 2000 presidential campaign, he boasted of his support for the project and the fact that the legislation he passed expanded Medicaid coverage of psychotropic drugs.

Bush is the clear front runner when it comes to drug company contributions. According to the Center for Responsive Politics (CRP), manufacturers of drugs and health products have contributed $764 274 to the 2004 Bush campaign through their political action committees and employeesófar outstripping the $149 400 given to his chief rival, John Kerry, by 26 April.

Drug companies have fared exceedingly well under the Bush administration, according to the centre's spokesperson, Steven Weiss.

The commission's recommendation for increased screening has also been questioned. Robert Whitaker, journalist and author of Mad in America, says that while increased screening "may seem defensible," it could also be seen as "fishing for customers," and that exorbitant spending on new drugs "robs from other forms of care such as job training and shelter programmes."

But Dr Graham Emslie, who helped develop the Texas project, defends screening: "There are good data showing that if you identify kids at an earlier age who are aggressive, you can intervene... and change their trajectory."

© 2004 BMJ Publishing Group Ltd bmj.bmjjournals.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (49426)6/20/2004 5:49:26 PM
From: sylvester80  Respond to of 89467
 
Very well said JW. Agreed 100%.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (49426)6/20/2004 7:06:39 PM
From: nz_q  Respond to of 89467
 
I saw the pics :
drudgereport.com

and the following comments on the knife and far left picture

"hmmm funny knife- only the edge has blood on it - cut through the whole neck, vertebrae and all.
Interesting floor and yet another orange jumpsuit- standard US issue. One bad photoshop gig. Even the c%$p fake Berg video was better. "



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (49426)6/20/2004 7:19:15 PM
From: Skywatcher  Respond to of 89467
 
EDITORIAL
A Pledge That Divides

This editorial page rarely sees eye to eye with Justice Clarence Thomas on the Constitution. But in concluding last week that the words "under God" unconstitutionally transform the Pledge of Allegiance into something of a religious incantation, the Supreme Court justice got it right. Half right, anyway. We'll get to the other half in a bit.

Thomas' surprising assertion came in his dissent from the court's non-decision last week on the pledge. Michael Newdow, a Sacramento-area atheist, filed this suit on behalf of his school-age daughter, objecting to the words "under God," which Congress added in 1954 to the original 1892 pledge in answer to "godless communism." Newdow insists that students asked to recite the pledge are being asked to affirm a belief in God.

One wonders, of course, why Newdow and others now challenging every last official religious reference, no matter how innocuous, don't have something better to do. But the lawsuits, far as they are from the most urgent matter on the national agenda, still deserve a direct and thoughtful response.

Such was a lower-court ruling two years ago backing Newdow's claim. Nervous Congress members rushed to the House and Senate floors to profess their support for keeping "God" in the pledge. The Supreme Court, which quickly took the case, was expected to summarily reverse the lower court, snuffing out Newdow's claim.

Instead, the 5-3 majority threw out the suit on a technicality involving the mother's legal custody of Newdow's daughter. The justices ducked the constitutional question, leaving for another day the matter of whether "under God" should stay.

Their reticence raises a more fundamental and interesting question: To come together as a nation, must Americans chant their allegiance? The United States existed for more than a century before Francis Bellamy, a Baptist minister, wrote the pledge for school celebrations of Columbus Day. His simple oath expresses this nation's core belief in "liberty and justice for all." But it is not the indispensable rule book that is the Constitution, nor is it a national symbol like the American flag. Why not just dispense with the obligatory vow before school begins or the Board of Supervisors convenes?

Short of that, the justices' reluctance to tackle head-on even the narrower question of "under God" speaks to the muddled mess that church-state law has become. Mandatory prayer in school is not constitutional, but taxpayer funding for tuition at parochial schools is. Students can hold voluntary Bible study classes on school grounds, but Washington state can deny public scholarship funds to a divinity student. The tiny cross on L.A. County's official seal, which supervisors agreed this month to remove, probably wouldn't survive a court test, and who knows about the Civil War-era motto "In God We Trust," engraved on currency. Where's the logic, or even a clear doctrinal line, in this tangle?

Justice Thomas' answer — the nutty half of his argument — is for the court to cease this futile effort to slice ever finer the doctrinal salami. He argues instead for interpreting the Constitution in a way courts have rejected for at least a century, namely that states aren't bound to enforce civil liberties the Bill of Rights guarantees. Under his view, Congress — but not the states — is barred from making laws respecting the establishment of religion. Utah could, for example, adopt Mormonism as its official religion, Alabama might vote to be a Baptist state and California could go New Age.

The intellectually honest approach would be for the court to acknowledge the remaining divine references in public oaths, city and county seals and on federal currency for what they are — religious invocations that don't belong in a secular, multicultural democracy. They have instead become one more way to divide Americans, something this nation hardly needs.