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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (138911)7/5/2004 11:34:13 PM
From: Dr. Id  Respond to of 281500
 
 

 

Published on Sunday, July 4, 2004 by the Long island, NY Newsday

What a Film Has Taught the Bush Team

by Les Payne

 

'In wake of the president idling in "Fahrenheit 9/11," the White House image-makers have guarded against a recurrence.'When word of the second terror-jet smashing into the World Trade Center was whispered into the ear of the U.S. President of the targeted superpower, the Commander-in-Chief maintained his seat and schedule for seven blissfully uninterrupted minutes - seven minutes!

The matter commanding the president's slavish attention? Listening to third graders while awaiting his turn to read at an elementary school in Sarasota, Fla.

After chief of staff Andrew Card whispered the tragic news, President George W. Bush was as compliant as the unknowing third graders around him. He fidgeted in his seat. He grimaced. He beaded and unbeaded his eyes. He wiggled his razor lips. At one point he seemed on the verge of raising his hand and pleading for a toilet break.

Still-camera snatches of this fateful seven minutes have made the rounds. But Michael Moore brings this theater of the absorbed to the big screen in full-color video, complete with biting analysis, in "Fahrenheit 9/11." Moore concludes that Bush idled his engine during this critical period because there was no one - no Dick Cheney, no Colin Powell, no Papa Bush - to coach him off the runway.

Moore's observations aside, the footage is a devastating ad for a superpower stuck now with what appears to all the world as a cipher in the White House. This, incidentally, is no put-down of the American people. The people cannot be blamed for this particular Bush floating to the top because they did not in their popular masses exactly vote him into office.

Nonetheless, here was the Great Helmsman of the Republic at a moment most dramatic. The worst foreign attack on U.S. soil since independence caught the president twiddling his thumbs for seven full minutes as the Twin Towers burned.

Imagine Franklin Delano Roosevelt at the dawn of World War II. Word of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor did not spin him into a seven-minute séance. No cameras were present, but it is a sure bet FDR would not have awaited his turn to read to third graders.

No self-respecting police officer or fireman would continue with the mundane of his schedule when such a catastrophe intrudes unannounced from the sky. But they are trained for the moment, you say. What, then, about accountants, bankers, donut-bakers, and second-story men, to say nothing of those wired for high jinks such as nurses, plumbers, newspaper editors and dentists. It is hard to contemplate the seven-minute Bush lapse for any responsible leader not under the influence, say, of a prescribed substance.

A crisis moment is the spot quiz that defines true leadership.

Failing the moment, as Bush did in Florida that day, suggests a clear lack of the necessities, at least for great leadership. There is no reason, of course, to expect otherwise. His life, as Moore points out in the film, has been a study in nose-diving his entrusted vessel, whether oil drilling firm or baseball team, straight into the drink. Such stewardship was not shaped at academy or tested on the battlefield, but picked up running political campaigns while imbibing to excess perhaps every alcoholic beverage known to mankind.

This is not to give drunks a bad name, for many a great leader has battled with the bottle or other narcotics, reformed, and carried on. Bush claims to have reformed from alcoholism with self-cure doses of right-wing evangelicalism. Though Bush is exaggerated in Moore's political video-pamphlet, the Chief Executive of Crawford, Texas, has emerged as a strutting peacock with an unbridled sense of entitlement whose finger is within easy reach of the nuclear trigger. The world must hold its breath against a relapse.

In wake of the president idling in "Fahrenheit 9/11," the White House image-makers have guarded against a recurrence running up to the elections. At the NATO summit in Istanbul last week, Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair acted out a nicely scripted piece of drama noting the U.S. "handover" of power to Iraqi Interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi.

"Mr. President, Iraq is sovereign," read a Condoleezza Rice note handed to Bush, seated next to Blair at the summit. "Letter was passed from Bremer at 10:26 a.m. Iraq time." The National Security Adviser had signed the handwritten note, "Condi."

Bush scribbled on the note, "Let Freedom Reign!" The scripted Bush then turned to Blair, and this time he did the whispering. The two leaders shook hands. Though White House spokesmen have denied seeing "Fahrenheit 9/11," there was every indication at the summit that the handlers had clearly learned from it.

No idling here. The note was immediately passed along to the media. If, however, the president intended to shadow the "let freedom ring" line of "My Country 'Tis of Thee," he ironically flubbed it by writing "reign."

Perhaps he should have spent a few more minutes with those Florida third graders.

© Copyright 2004, Newsday, Inc.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (138911)7/6/2004 12:21:52 PM
From: Win Smith  Respond to of 281500
 
I'm sorry the Tribune didn't submit their story to you for final editorial control on tone and substance like they were supposed to, Nadine. I know Perle is your kind of guy, but in light of :

Perle responded by calling Hersh "the closest thing American journalism has to a terrorist." In interviews and in an August 2003 submission to the Defense Department inspector general, Perle vowed to sue Hersh for libel, but he backed down, telling the Tribune a court victory would not be worth the cost.

I have to say that my understanding is that Hersh's stories hold up somewhat better than Perle's. As far as Khashoggi goes, as near as I can tell, Perle was claiming him as a witness for his libel rant, so your protest is a little odd. It's always something, though. Amusingly, the PDF of Perle's affadavit , images.chicagotribune.com , contains this on page 10:

The problem with this entire story is that it is false. I independently interviewed on the record all three sources for Hersh's story: Zhuhair, Khashoggi, and Harriman. Each categorically denied the facts and statements attributed to him.

So apparently Khashoggi is to be believed when filtered through Perle's lawyer, but not otherwise. Then there's the larger issue of who's the self hater here, but that's another story.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (138911)7/6/2004 12:24:20 PM
From: Win Smith  Respond to of 281500
 
Rumsfeld pushed for FBI probe of Hersh in 1975 chicagotribune.com

[ Since you enjoyed that other story so much . . . Old grudges die hard, apparently. ]

David Jackson
Tribune staff reporter

June 25, 2004

Investigative reporter Seymour Hersh has been a thorn in the side of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld during the Iraq war. Rumsfeld's discomfort was at least as acute in spring 1975.

Then chief of staff to President Gerald Ford, Rumsfeld proposed "immediate initiation of an FBI investigation" into Hersh and his sources, according to a 58-page file from the Gerald R. Ford Library. Rumsfeld and his top deputy, Dick Cheney, now the vice president, considered options including a "search warrant -- to go after Hersh papers in his apt.," the Ford library file shows.

Hersh was then a New York Times reporter whose May 25, 1975, story revealed details of risky and provocative U.S. spy submarine missions in Soviet waters, in violation of the three-mile limit. The top-secret spy sub program was diplomatically sensitive because U.S. and Soviet leaders were publicly engaged in detente. In a memo to Ford, then-Atty. Gen. Edward H. Levi recommended against an FBI probe, and Ford quashed the idea, according to the Ford papers and an interview with then-Deputy Atty. Gen. Harold R. Tyler Jr., who drafted legal memos supporting Levi's hands-off position.

"This is for the birds -- that was my reaction at the time and now," said Tyler, who became a federal judge and is now an attorney in private practice. "God almighty -- forgive me for laughing," Tyler said. The proposal to investigate Hersh "baffled me." Hersh declined to comment on the file. "The record speaks for itself," he said. Rumsfeld said, through a spokesman, that he did not recall the incident. Pentagon spokesman Larry Di Rita said the records show Rumsfeld considered launching an investigation but remained open-minded and was quickly persuaded to drop the matter. "This is very much the way he operates," Di Rita said. "He will say, `Here's what I think, based on what I understand, and now somebody calibrate me.'ƒ|" And the file shows, Di Rita said, that Rumsfeld "takes the leaking of classified material very seriously."

Three days after Hersh's spy sub report, on May 28, 1975, Cheney met with White House counsel Philip W. Buchen and Levi -- who had left his position as president of the University of Chicago to become Ford's attorney general. Levi questioned the wisdom and feasibility of any legal action, Cheney told Rumsfeld in a memo the next day. Levi felt there should be no FBI investigation unless they really intended to prosecute Hersh. A prosecution would likely fail, and could expose other facets of America's espionage program, Levi argued in that meeting and a subsequent memo to Ford.

In a later memo, Cheney told Rumsfeld that they had considered five options: investigating Hersh and his government sources; obtaining a search warrant "to go after Hersh and remaining material"; seeking a quick indictment of those who disclosed classified secrets; "quietly" informing The New York Times that the government could prosecute but wouldn't if the Times stopped leaking classified information; or doing nothing.

Rumsfeld responded with a May 30 cable to Cheney from Brussels, where he was visiting NATO officials with Ford. Rumsfeld wrote: "There is a desire to have the FBI investigation begin soon." Assuming no adverse impact on "the program" -- presumably the submarine operations -- "I will assume that the FBI investigation will begin," Rumsfeld wrote.

Cheney wrote back to Rumsfeld, "re: Your latest, directing immediate initiation of an FBI investigation." Top administration officials "are conducting internal reviews designed to identify all potential sources of information contained in [Hersh's article]," Cheney wrote. "The results will be provided to the Justice Department for any investigation undertaken by the FBI."

Cheney added that these preliminary probes were "being carried out in a manner designed to avoid any additional publicity." Cheney wrote: "Any visible investigatory activity directed at Hersh or the N.Y. Times is likely to stimulate additional publicity and give credence to the story which it does not now have."

In the end, Levi persuaded Ford not to take legal action, the memos indicate. "We thought that Sy Hersh did not need to be investigated," Tyler said. "He's still going strong, and a free press is still -- hopefully -- alive."

Di Rita said no one at the Pentagon harbored any animus against Hersh for the 1975 story. "That's not the way people are around here," Di Rita said. "They're much too busy."

Copyright © 2004, Chicago Tribune