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To: stockman_scott who wrote (50451)7/7/2004 12:00:58 AM
From: Lazarus_Long  Respond to of 89467
 
FLASH: REALITY SMACKS EUROPE!!!

Europe Reluctantly Deciding It Has Less Time for Time Off
By MARK LANDLER

Published: July 7, 2004

Marcus Gloger for The New York Times
Michael Stahl is employed at Siemens in Bocholt, Germany, where work has undergone big changes.

Some Noses More to the Grindstone Than Others
Chart: Some Noses More to the Grindstone Than Others

FRANKFURT, July 6 — For Michael Stahl, a technician at a cordless telephone factory in the town of Bocholt, summer is usually a carefree season of long evenings in his garden and even longer vacations. His toughest choice is where to take his wife and three children on their annual camping trip: Italy and Croatia are on this year's itinerary.

Two weeks ago, however, Mr. Stahl got a rude jolt, when his union signed a contract with his employer, Siemens, to extend the workweek at the Bocholt plant to 40 hours from 35. Weekly pay remains the same. The new contract also scraps the annual bonuses every employee receives to help pay for vacations and Christmas expenses.

"I'll have to make do with less," Mr. Stahl said with a sigh. "Of course, the family will come off the worst."

After nearly 27 years at Siemens, Mr. Stahl, 42, feels he has no choice but to put in the extra time. Like millions of his fellow citizens, he is struggling to accept the stark new reality of life in a global economy: Germans are having to work longer hours.

And not just Germans. The French, who in 2000 trimmed their workweek to 35 hours in hopes of generating more jobs, are now talking about lengthening it again, worried that the shorter hours are hurting the economy. In Britain, more than a fifth of the labor force, according to a 2002 study, works longer than the European Union's mandated limit of 48 hours a week.

Europe's long siesta, it seems, has finally reached its limit — a victim of chronic economic stagnation, deteriorating public finances and competition from low-wage countries in the enlarged European Union and in Asia. Most important, many Europeans now believe that shorter hours, once seen as a way of spreading work among more people, have done little to ease unemployment.

"We have created a leisure society, while the Americans have created a work society," said Klaus F. Zimmermann, the president of the German Institute for Economic Research in Berlin. "But our model does not work anymore. We are in the process of rethinking it."

From the 1970's until recently, Europe followed a philosophy of less is more when it came to labor, with the result that Europeans work an average of 10 percent fewer hours a year than Americans. Germans, with the lightest schedule, work about 18 percent fewer hours.

The job creation argument went hand in hand with the greater social premium that Europeans place on leisure. In the land of the four o'clock rush hour and the monthlong summer holiday, it does really seem, as the cliché goes, that Europeans work to live, while Americans live to work.

Siemens, however, upset that conventional wisdom by threatening to move production of cordless and cellular phones to Hungary, where salaries are a fraction of those in Germany. That would have cost about 2,000 jobs in a country that, with a jobless rate of 10.3 percent, can ill afford it.

"It's about lowering labor costs," said Peter Gottal, a spokesman for Siemens, which is based in Munich. "Where we are in a global competition, 35 hours are no longer feasible. We just need more hours."

Siemens and its union say that the contract is not a template for the rest of German industry, but it is being viewed that way. The company, one of Germany's largest employers, is negotiating wages at five other factories, and it may demand some of the same concessions, including different work hours, that it received at Bocholt.

A longer workweek also looms for assembly line workers at the Mercedes-Benz plant in Sindelfingen, in Southwestern Germany. There, the company wants to curtail breaks during the workday.

Mercedes has not threatened to abandon Germany. But auto workers shivered recently when Opel, which is owned by General Motors, announced that it would assemble a compact minivan at its plant in Gliwice, Poland, passing over its main factory outside Frankfurt, which had bid for the job.

"The firms are in a good position in these negotiations," said Eugen Spitznagel, a researcher at the Institute of Employment Research in Nuremberg. "The unions recognize that the economic climate is bad."

A small majority of the German public also think that a long workweek may help preserve their jobs, according to a recent survey conducted for the business magazine, WirtschaftsWoche.

< continued >
nytimes.com



To: stockman_scott who wrote (50451)7/7/2004 12:11:12 AM
From: Wharf Rat  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
SEN. JOHN EDWARDS' compelling campaign theme of "Two Americas" should be returned to center stage. Worsening income disparities - greater than at any time since the 1920s - have produced two critical gaps that threaten American democracy.
Upper-middle- and upper-class families that constitute the top 10 percent of the income distribution are prospering while many among the remaining 90 percent struggle to maintain their standard of living. Further, a widening chasm separates the 13,400 families, who on average earn just under $24 million a year, from everyone else.

Two Americas has undone the historic balance between the nation's two most important values: liberty and equality, which pull in different directions. Liberty implies that people have full freedom to do as they choose with their resources. Equality of economic opportunity requires a fair start for all those in the race toward success.

Today, the continuing imbalance between liberty and equality jeopardizes ordinary citizens' economic opportunities, and hence their middle-class status. Yet democracy in America demands a prospering middle class. The imbalance also raises the specter of an aristocracy of wealth, which was anathema to the nation's Founders.

From 1970 to 2000 (adjusted for inflation), the bottom 90 percent's average income stagnated at $27,000 a year. The top 10 percent experienced an average yearly income increase of nearly 90 percent, from $119,000 in 1970 to $225,000 in 2000. The top one-hundredth percent had their average yearly incomes skyrocket by $20,327,482 between 1970 and 2000.

Education provides a stark comparison between the wealthiest families and those struggling at the bottom. Horace Mann, an elite New York City private school, will have a tuition of $26,100 beginning in September. The price may seem high, but it offers the kind of rigorous educational setting that qualifies its graduates for Ivy League schools and similar top-of-the-line institutions.

At Edward Williams Elementary, the poorest school in Mount Vernon, N.Y., 97 percent of the students were black, 90 percent received free lunches and nearly 10 percent lived in homeless shelters.

When reports were assigned during Black History Month on famous black Americans, the library shelves yielded little help. Despite there being numerous books, New York Times columnist Michael Winerip pointed out, "much of the collection is from the 1950s and 1960s and before, when this was a white school."

The Williams Elementary students likely will work in dead-end jobs rather than graduate from any four-year college.

The limited life chances of these poor black students is so at odds with the country's long-held vision of a fair start in life that it is best described as un-American.

In Liberal Purposes: Goods, Virtues and Diversity in the Liberal State, the centrist social philosopher William Galston wrote: "The life chances of individuals should not be determined by such factors as race, economic class, and family background." But the many Williams Elementary-like schools around the nation make a mockery of any claim of a fair start.

The statesmen who produced the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution believed that equality of opportunity resulted in national efficiency. They opposed inherited wealth because the heir who took over the family business would not necessarily be the individual most able to run it at maximum efficiency. Hence, inherited wealth could be the enemy of national efficiency.

As the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Gordon Wood wrote: "As long as the social channels of ascent and descent were kept open, it would be impossible for any artificial aristocrats or overgrown rich men to maintain themselves for long." National efficiency further required a strong public education system.

Were the creators of the republic to return for a day, they would be appalled at schools that hold back the stimulation of talent. They would also strongly support continuing the inheritance tax because it was intended to ensure that those with the greatest skills, not less-able heirs, could most efficiently use that wealth.

Restoring the balance between liberty and equality demands that the redistribution of income upward must be redirected toward the bottom 90 percent. The wealthy will cry "class warfare," but it is the wealthy who began that war and created the dangerous imbalance.

The great statesmen of the 18th century would applaud restoring the balance between liberty and equality because it would increase the life chances of most citizens and help breathe new life into a now-diminished American democracy.

Walter Williams, professor emeritus at the University of Washington's Evans School of Public Affairs, is the author of Reaganism and the Death of Representative Democracy (Georgetown University Press, 2003).

baltimoresun.com