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Politics : Don't Blame Me, I Voted For Kerry -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: zonkie who wrote (34656)7/9/2004 6:37:46 PM
From: SkywatcherRespond to of 81568
 
Holes in America's Defense
By Richard J. Durbin
The Washington Post

Friday 09 July 2004

In the war on terrorism, reliable intelligence is America's first line of defense.

The Senate intelligence committee report scheduled to be released today reveals in stark terms that
in many key areas, the prewar intelligence regarding Iraq's threat to the United States was neither
reliable nor accurate. And the report tells only half of the story.

What's missing is the ways intelligence was used, misused, misinterpreted or ignored by
administration policymakers in deciding to go to war and in making the case to the American people
that war with Iraq was necessary. The intelligence committee leadership chose to defer these issues
to a second report - one that will not be released until after the November elections.

While failures by the CIA and other intelligence agencies are a significant part of the problem
identified in this inquiry, the responsibility - and the blame - for the prewar intelligence debacle is much
broader than described in today's report.

Senior decision makers throughout the executive branch must bear responsibility as well. They
should have been more diligent in challenging the validity of analytical assumptions and the adequacy
of intelligence collection and reporting related to Iraqi weapons of mass destruction before the war.
Instead, those analyses that conformed with pro-war views were routinely accepted and reports that did
not conform to the pro-war model were largely ignored.

Beyond Secretary of State Colin Powell's examination of Iraqi intelligence in preparation for his
February 2003 speech to the U.N. Security Council, there is little evidence that administration officials
took the time to question any intelligence reports related to Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.

CIA Director George Tenet is famously reported to have responded to President Bush's question on
the intelligence related to weapons of mass destruction in Iraq by stating it was "a slam-dunk." If this
conversation did take place, it would have been incumbent upon the president's senior advisers to
demand to see and verify the underlying information that constituted the intelligence community's
"slam-dunk" case. Apparently that did not happen.

The dissenting views regarding Iraq's weapons programs in the October 2002 National Intelligence
Estimate, and the cautionary notes sounded by intelligence analysts at the Energy and State
departments regarding nuclear matters, and the Air Force's concern regarding Iraq's unmanned aerial
vehicle program all fell on willfully deaf ears. In contrast, the CIA's analysis of terrorism, which found
only weak connections between Iraq and al Qaeda, elicited considerable questioning from
policymakers. Undoubtedly, this was because the administration's decision to invade Iraq had already
been made.

Unfortunately, the administration's conclusions drove the evidence instead of the other way around.
The historic House and Senate joint intelligence inquiry into the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks
issued a report in December 2002 that recommended intelligence community reform. Within weeks,
the Senate intelligence committee should have initiated an in-depth review of the structure and
effectiveness of U.S. intelligence operations. Based on the results of such a review, it should then have
initiated appropriate reforms. But more than 18 months later, no movement in that direction has
occurred.

So today we have a report that asks only some of the right questions and, at best, comes to only
some of the right conclusions.

The responsibility for problems related to prewar intelligence regarding Iraq should not be confined to
intelligence analysts at the CIA but should extend to policymakers as well - particularly those at the
Defense and State departments, the National Security Council, and the White House.

Nor should the intelligence oversight committees of Congress, which are charged with scrutinizing
intelligence analysis as part of their mandate, be excluded from criticism. It should be noted that the
inquiry into prewar intelligence related to Iraq was initiated - and its scope expanded - in the face of
significant resistance within the committee.

The intelligence failures noted in today's report add to the compelling need for Congress to
undertake an unbiased and nonpartisan effort to strengthen our first line of defense. Time is not on our
side.

The writer is a Democratic senator from Illinois and a member of the Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence.