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Politics : Bush-The Mastermind behind 9/11? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sidney Reilly who wrote (7350)7/16/2004 3:49:37 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 20039
 
Re: "anti-terrorism" legislation was passed and signed by Clinton after OKC. It was more police power type laws and...

That's exactly what I mean: NOTHING.

No Militia Patsy

Militias Will Not Consider McVeigh a Martyr

ABC News/June 12, 2001
By Bryan Robinson


Militia groups will not look back upon the execution of Timothy McVeigh as a day of mourning.

Despite the FBI's last-minute handover of previously undisclosed documents in his case and the courts' refusal to grant a second delay of his execution, McVeigh's death will not be considered a day of infamy like the fatal 1993 siege of the Branch Davidian compound at Waco, Texas, or the 1992 killing of white separatist Randy Weaver's wife and son during the standoff in Ruby Ridge, Idaho.

"We or no one that we know of feel he is a martyr for anything," said John Trochmann, spokesman for the Militia of Montana. "To me, executing him is like throwing away and destroying evidence, as if the tracks are probably leading too close to home."

The debacle over more than 4,000 pages of FBI documents renewed suspicion that the government conspires to wipe out its opponents by any means necessary. But it did not improve McVeigh's standing among militia groups like Trochmann's. To them, McVeigh is not a martyr; he is a patsy for the government who almost single-handedly killed the anti-government "Patriot" movement's momentum with the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing.

"What would we have had to gain from blowing up public property?" asked Trochmann. "Who would gain anything unless someone wanted to pass some new type of anti-militia legislation?"

The Bumbling Government Patsy

At the time of the Oklahoma City bombing, there were close to 1,000 active militias, according to Joe Roy, director of the Southern Poverty Law Center's Intelligence Project, which tracks the activities of militia groups. However, since the bombing, militias have dwindled to 194 active today.

The Oklahoma City bombing was a "public relations nightmare" for the militia movement, Roy said, scaring off moderate extremists and prompting others to take a lower profile.

"In general, the movement has distanced itself [from McVeigh] because of the heinousness of the act, the killing of 19 children among the 168 who died," said Roy. "McVeigh's few supporters - the few that are out there in the right wing - will say that they don't condone what he did, but they can understand why. Only members of the extreme right support him."

Experts say most members of the militia believe McVeigh was not really one of them - they believe he is really part of a government conspiracy to squash the Patriot movement. "To understand the way these people feel about McVeigh, you have to understand the way they think," said Evan McKenzie, professor of political science at the University of Illinois at Chicago. "They think of themselves as very powerful, very important vanguards of the revolution that the government wants to bring down."

"The radical right sees McVeigh as a government patsy, an [Lee Harvey] Oswald-type who did not commit the crimes he was accused of," McKenzie said. "They believe that it was set up to appear as if McVeigh planned it himself." The militias, McKenzie said, are suspicious of McVeigh because he was once a member of the Army and a Gulf War veteran. To them, this is an indication that McVeigh is a government loyalist despite his claims to the contrary.

Even McVeigh's arrest makes them skeptical. He was arrested when a highway patrol officer stopped his truck because it was missing its plates. "They see this and they say, 'Come on! We don't do things that way,'" McKenzie said. "And McVeigh didn't even go down shooting - that's not a martyr, that's not a hero. It's too bumbling, too unbelievable. They think this is a guy who wanted to be caught."

Militia Bombing Theories

Militias have various theories on McVeigh's true involvement in Oklahoma City bombing. Some believe McVeigh was supposed to have been killed in the blast but somehow survived. Others believe he was part of a government cover-up in the bombing. Radical right-wing militia members do not believe the fertilizer bomb McVeigh used could not have caused the extensive damage seen in the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. They believe there was another bomb planted inside the building by the government that caused the real damage. McVeigh and his bomb just acted as a decoy.

"Why on earth would the government blow up the building? Because they wanted to create public outrage, they wanted the public angry at anti-government groups, angry enough so that support behind an anti-terrorist bill [the 1996 Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act] would swell and get passed at the bombing," McKenzie said.

Some militia groups do not even believe that McVeigh will really be executed, McKenzie said. Militia members believe the government will somehow make it "appear" as if McVeigh is dead and that he could be put under a government protection program. However, if McVeigh is really a government fall guy, why did he admit to the bombing in the book American Terrorist: Timothy McVeigh and the Oklahoma City Bombing and call the dead 19 children "collateral damage"? Militia members, experts say, believe he is either following orders or has been brainwashed.

Militia Momentum: The Bombing's 169th Victim

At the time of the Oklahoma City bombing, the militia believed momentum was swinging its direction. Experts say the anti-government movement was slowly winning the public's support: vivid reports and images of mothers and children perishing at fiery showdowns at Ruby Ridge and the Branch Davidian compound made some people sympathize with the movement and believe the government would do anything to crush its detractors. That all stopped with the Oklahoma City bombing. Trochmann said the Oklahoma City bombing brought unwelcome publicity to his Militia of Montana and spooked some militia leaders.

"To say we've taken a lot of heat is an understatement," said Trochmann. "Once McVeigh's connection to militias became public, the media descended upon us here in Noxon and it caused a few of the leaders to bail out. Many of the other groups we knew of went underground."

The leveling of the Alfred P. Murrah building, the massive body count, images of bloody children being carried out of the rubble - even the date on which the attack occurred (April 19, the anniversary of end of the siege at Waco) - made everyone involved in a militia look like a radical terrorists. And thanks to McVeigh, the militia lost some of its moderate sympathizers and members.

"You have your hard-core activists and then you have your occasional activists. They might attend a rally here or there and an occasional meeting at night and then go to their 9-to-5 job. They [the militia groups] were really hurt here. ... they lost an extreme amount of credibility with this group," McKenzie said.

Roy said militia members may have decided "this is not for me" after the Oklahoma City bombing and just went home. Some grew tired of waiting for a militia revolution that has yet to happen. However, Roy said, many have joined radical hate groups, feeding its growth to 602 over the past few years.

Surviving militias, experts said, have taken a lower profile, not seeking any media attention and rarely granting interviews because they don't trust reporters. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, they have maintained a presence on the Web, with 155 Patriot group sites currently identified (a drop from 263 from last year).

Other militia members have opted not to be organized in large groups and prefer cells of three people - ironically, the type of structure McVeigh used when he recruited Terry Nichols and Michael Fortier for the Oklahoma City bombing.

"When you put together a cell of two or three people, you can keep activities to yourself and there's less of a chance that you be infiltrated," McKenzie said. "And nobody really knows you're out there because you're less formal and not letting people know what you're doing."

Pulpit in Death

The 4,000 pages of undisclosed FBI documents - and the refusal to postpone the execution a second time - breathed new life into speculation that McVeigh and Terry Nichols had help from other people in the Oklahoma City bombing.

Just before McVeigh's death was postponed before its original May 16 date, two bombing survivors, Jane Graham and V.Z. Lawton, sued to get McVeigh's execution postponed indefinitely because they were convinced evidence pertaining to co-conspirators had been either destroyed or suppressed. Killing McVeigh, they argued, would essentially be like destroying more evidence about a broader conspiracy even though the convicted Oklahoma City bomber claimed he and Nichols acted alone.

The suit was dismissed after a federal appeals court denied McVeigh's last-minute request for a stay of execution and McVeigh decided not to appeal to the Supreme Court. When asked whether the FBI's voluntary release of the documents diffuses the government conspiracy theories behind the bombing, Trochmann offered two possible motives behind the timing of the disclosure.

"Maybe there are still some good agents in the FBI who are interested in uncovering the truth," he said. "Maybe, they got word of the lawsuits [filed by Graham and Lawton] and wanted to throw some people off the trail. Or maybe it's a combination of both. There are still some good agents but evil tends to float to the top."

Others are convinced McVeigh's death will only galvanize his supporters. In a recent report on executions, Amnesty International argued that McVeigh withdrew the rest of his appeals and demanded his execution to set himself up as a martyr. (McVeigh himself never explained why he withdrew the rest of his appeals.)

McVeigh's death, Amnesty International said, won't really silence his message because there are still people who share his beliefs, especially now. "Such executions may also create martyrs whose memory becomes a rallying point," the Amnesty International report said. "For some men and women convinced of the legitimacy of their acts, the prospect of suffering the death penalty may even serve as an incentive. Far from stopping violence, the executions have been used as a justification for more violence."

At least one bombing victim acknowledges McVeigh's beliefs will continue to have a platform long after his death. But at the same time, she said the only way she could get a degree closure for herself and her children was through McVeigh's execution.

"He [McVeigh] will always have his forum, his pulpit ... and I don't want my kids to experience any of that," said Kathleen Treanor, who lost her daughter and in-laws in the bombing. "People don't realize the hell we've gone through. To me, there's no end until there's an end."

rickross.com



To: Sidney Reilly who wrote (7350)7/16/2004 4:13:32 AM
From: GUSTAVE JAEGER  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 20039
 
While US authorities are shamelessly tilting at Al-Qaeda windmills, domestic, homegrown, far-right terrorism is on a roll:

Domestic Sources of Terrorism in the U.S.

Michael J. Whidden


excerpted from
Unequal Justice: Arabs in America and United States Antiterrorism Legislation, 69 Fordham L. Rev. 2825, 2853-2860 (May 2001)

FBI statistics indicate that most acts of domestic terrorism are not committed by Muslim or Arab groups. Indeed, from 1984 to 1998, 95 percent of the terrorist incidents in the United States were attributed to domestic groups. In the three years after the Oklahoma City bombing, 1996 to 1998, almost 70 percent of all potential terrorist events were attributed to domestic sources, and the figure climbs to 96 percent if we discount one series of intercepted letter bombs in 1997. More specifically, in 1993, for example, there were two bombings by an extreme right-wing group in Tacoma, Washington, and nine fire bombings by an animal rights group, the Animal Liberation Front, in Chicago, Illinois. In 1994, there were no incidents of terrorism at all. Indeed, when AEDPA [the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act] was passed in 1996, the looming threat was extreme right-wing domestic groups, particularly militias.

Militia groups started appearing in 1994. The involvement of Timothy McVeigh, who had lingered in the militia movement, in Oklahoma City alerted the public to the militia danger but a number of experts had already forecast the growing threat of right-wing terrorism. In 1994, a detailed study of terrorism in America by Brent L. Smith warned that "right-wing . . . terrorists show distinct promise of increasing in number and activity." In October 1994, Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center wrote to Attorney General Janet Reno to warn her of the militia threat. Responding to a congressional request, Kenneth Stern issued a report warning of the militia movement nine days before the Oklahoma City bombing.

The militia movement is composed of armed, paramilitary, extremist groups and sympathizers dedicated to armed opposition to the allegedly tyrannical federal government, considered to be conspiring globally in the "New World Order." The movement consists of unrelated groups throughout the United States motivated by recent firearm restrictions such as the Brady Law and fatal law enforcement mistakes in Ruby Ridge, Idaho and Waco, Texas. They are part of a broader "very, very extreme right-wing" movement that believes in white supremacy, opposition to abortion, hatred of homosexuality, hatred or fear of foreigners, and isolationism.

While the words of right-wing militia interests are not, and should not, be criminal unto themselves, they reveal a frightening world view hardly different from that which is expressed by Arab extremists invoking jihad to justify their violence. A publication of the Militia of Montana revealed the paranoia that drove their opposition to gun control efforts:

There are individuals in this world, within this country, and in our own government who would like to rule the world. These power hungry individuals have corrupted our government and are working on sabotaging our freedom by destroying the Constitution of the United States, in order to establish the "New World Order." . . . To bring about this New World Order, and ultimately the single World Government, [...] the American people must be disarmed.

William Pierce, the leader of a racist and anti-Semitic group called the National Alliance, wrote an underground book, The Turner Diaries, which he sells as a "Handbook for White Victory." Timothy McVeigh had sold the book, his "bible," on the gun show circuit. Over 200,000 copies of the book have been sold. The 1978 book depicts the bombing of a federal building that is ominously similar to McVeigh's act and provides a chilling justification for the violence.

It is a heavy burden of responsibility for us to bear since most of the victims of our bomb were only pawns who were no more committed to the sick philosophy or the racially destructive goals of the System than we are . . . . But there is no way we can destroy the System without hurting many thousands of innocent people--no way. It is a cancer too deeply rooted in our flesh. And if we don't destroy the System before it destroys us--if we don't cut this cancer out of our living flesh--our whole [White] race will die.

Sixteen years after the book's publication, Pierce remained unrepentant in his hatred when he proclaimed, "millions of white Americans who five years ago felt so cowed by the government and [the Jewish-]controlled media . . . are becoming fed up, and their exasperation is giving them courage" to join his movement.

Violent activity and conspiracies have corresponded with such words and ideology. In the mid-1980s, an Aryan Nation offshoot, The Order, engaged in a rampage of violence to advance its revolution. Inspired by The Turner Diaries, they counterfeited money, robbed over $4 million, bombed a synagogue, and killed at least three people in their quest to overthrow the United States government and establish an exclusively White fascist nation. Law enforcement ultimately charged twenty-four members for racketeering based on their various conspiracies; twenty-three people were convicted.

Two confrontations in the early 1990s, at Ruby Ridge, Idaho and Waco, Texas, served as catalysts for the militia movement. Although the episodes were not deemed official terrorist acts, these fatal showdowns illustrated the fervent opposition of domestic right-wing groups against the federal government. In 1992, in Ruby Ridge, white separatist Randy Weaver, with his wife, four children, and a family friend, resisted well over one hundred law enforcement authorities after federal marshals attempted to arrest him for failing to make a court date stemming from illegal gun sales. Protestors for the Weavers carried signs saying "Government Lies, a Patriot Dies," "Christians Against Tyranny," and "FBI Burn in Hell." Those in support included Aryan Nation members, skinheads, and Order members' families. After an eleven-day standoff, the bloodshed underscored the vehemence of government opposition: three people dead (a federal marshal, Weaver's wife Vicki and his son Sam) and three people shot (a federal marshal, Weaver, and Weaver's friend).

The standoff in Waco, Texas truly "galvanized" the militia movement; it is quite possible that Timothy McVeigh memorialized the Waco events by bombing the Murrah building on its two-year anniversary. Seeking to execute warrants for illegal firearms on the Branch Davidian compound, federal authorities set off a fifty-one day confrontation which resulted in, initially, a shootout that killed four federal agents, wounded other agents, killed a few of the Branch Davidians, and wounded two others and, ultimately, an inferno that killed more than eighty people including children. Waco, "with its overtones of the abuse of state power" reflected by the tragedy, stimulated the growth of the militia network. The escalating tension and violence that the Davidians were willing to absorb in resisting the government again illustrated the depth of anti-government sentiment.

In this context, the FBI recorded four incidents of right-wing terrorism between 1990 and April 1996 (when The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 "AEDPA" was signed into law), including two July 1993 bombings in Washington state, by the American Front Skinheads--one of a gay bar in Seattle and the other of the NAACP headquarters in Tacoma. More generally, from 1989 through 1991, the Justice Department reported that the number of bombing incidents in the United States increased from 1208 to 2499; none were acts of Arab terrorism. In 1993, there were forty-three deaths and over three hundred injuries due to bombings not tied to international terrorist groups.

Because the FBI's application of the "terrorist" label has often been suspect and haphazard, other right-wing terrorist incidents and activity may be unearthed by applying the definition to reported events. In December 1994, an anti-abortion protestor killed two clinic receptionists and injured five during a two-day shooting spree of three different clinics in Massachusetts and Virginia. The killings were the outgrowth of "a violent, insurrectionary" anti-abortion movement linked to seven murders and at least forty bombings and attacks of abortion centers from 1993 to 1998. In other words, the spree was one of numerous acts of anti-abortion terrorism. In March 1995, two members of the anti-government Minnesota Patriots Council were convicted for conspiracy to use ricin, an extremely deadly poison used as a biological weapon. A speck of ricin can kill a person and it is 12,000 times more lethal than rattlesnake venom. In October 1995, an Amtrak train was derailed, killing one person and seriously injuring twelve, and a letter expressing outrage about Ruby Ridge, Idaho and Waco, Texas attributed the incident to the "Sons of the Gestapo." In merely the first six months after the Oklahoma City bombing, there were six other near-incidents with right-wing groups.

Right-wing terrorist activity continued after April 1996, when AEDPA was passed. In July 1996, the Justice Department uncovered an Arizona militia group, the Arizona Vipers, that had made a video depicting how to blow up several local buildings, including those for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the police, and the National Guard. During arrests of the twelve suspects, authorities seized a "witches' brew of explosives" and an "arsenal" of firearms and ammunition. The suspects were eventually convicted for conspiracy to make bombs and for weapons charges, receiving sentences of one to nine years. At the end of July 1996, a bomb linked to right-wing extremists exploded at the Atlanta Olympics, killing two and injuring 112 people.

In October 1996, the FBI arrested seven West Virginia Mountaineer Militia members for plotting to blow up a Bureau fingerprinting facility and several other government buildings. The group's leader, Floyd Looker, had agreed to sell blueprints of the facility to an undercover agent posing as a broker for a Middle East terrorist network. The group had even considered assassinating United States Senator Jay Rockefeller and Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan in a "holy war" against the federal government. Looker was ultimately sentenced to eighteen years in prison for conspiring to manufacture and deal in explosives.

In 1997, the FBI recorded two suspected acts of domestic terrorism against presumable right-wing targets: the bombing of a women's health facility and an "alternative lifestyle night club." The Bureau further prevented seven other acts of probable right-wing terrorism, including the arrests of a group planning to engage United Nations troops which they believed were stationed at an army base in Fort Hood, Texas. The primary suspects, self-proclaimed "Brigadier General" Bradley Glover and Michael Dorsett, were each sentenced to five years.

In 1998, the FBI recorded five incidents of domestic terrorism, one of which was the bombing of a women's health clinic in Birmingham, Alabama, linked to right-wing sources. The Bureau was further involved in preventing twelve incidents of terrorism by domestic groups. The most prominent case involved several members of the white supremacist group "The New Order" who plotted to commit numerous crimes, including killing the founder of the Southern Poverty Law Center, poisoning the water supply of East St. Louis as a diversion for a bank robbery, and attacking the New York office of a Jewish social service organization. Four defendants were sentenced to prison.

In the face of a burgeoning homegrown terrorist movement, the United States directed its most public antiterrorism measure at international groups. No American groups connected to terrorism were subject to AEDPA's foreign-oriented antiterrorist provisions.

academic.udayton.edu