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Politics : Formerly About Advanced Micro Devices -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: TimF who wrote (198580)8/26/2004 6:27:46 PM
From: TimF  Respond to of 1578189
 
Kerry & Hoover, Perfect Together
The candidate’s economic policies are a blast from an ugly past.

By Timothy Kane

In campaign speeches and on his website, John Kerry tells us that President Bush has “the worst economic record since the Hoover administration.” Herbert Hoover, of course, presided over the start of the Great Depression in 1929. There have been eight post-1945 recessions. How many do you suppose were worse than the 2001 recession?

All of them.

In fact, the Commerce Department’s newest data on gross domestic product reveal that the last downturn wasn’t a textbook recession, since no two quarters of contraction were consecutive. That’s because the downturn Bush inherited was stopped in its tracks before 1,000 days passed, with red-hot growth rates and low unemployment.

Naming the most severe post-World War II recession is not a serious challenge for serious economists. It was Ronald Reagan’s. The double 1980-82 contraction involved six quarters of shrinking economic output, largely a result of a successful but painful assault on inflation by Paul Volcker’s Federal Reserve. The inflationary storm these men faced was nourished by policies during the 1960s and 1970s that aimed to control aggregate demand.

Were Reagan and Volcker to blame for the worst recession since Hoover? No more than aspirin is to blame for a hangover. The point is, business cycles happen. Americans judge a president not by the natural downturns that occur on his watch, but by how he responds.

Whether Kerry likes it or not, the U.S. economy has expanded for 11 straight quarters since 2001, and payroll jobs have expanded for 11 straight months. By any measure, the Hoover comparison is absurd. But let’s take a closer look:

Inflation. When prices rise, everyone’s buying power erodes. That’s not an issue today when average real hourly earnings for working Americans are 2 percent higher than they were three years ago. Compare that to the 1.95 percent loss in real earnings that came three years after the 1990-91 recession began. The worst experience was when annualized inflation peaked at 18.6 percent in January 1980, during Jimmy Carter’s final year as president.

Productivity. Over the last half-century, only three episodes of shrinking productivity occurred, and the mild recession of recent years was not one of them. Remarkably, American productivity growth has been a full percentage point above trend for nearly a decade, and actually accelerated during the Bush presidency.

Employment. Hoover’s economy lost 6.4 million jobs in four years. Most were lost during his last years in office, when Democrats controlled Congress. By comparison, payrolls jobs are down 1.14 million since Bush took office, but total employment is up by 1.31 million. Most important, the rate of unemployment is 5.5 percent today, compared to 24.9 percent during Hoover’s last year.

Those are the facts, but what are the lessons? History reminds us that presidents cannot control the economic winds. But they can change the direction of the sails.

What were Hoover’s policy responses to the Great Depression? He persuaded Congress to raise the top income-tax rate from 25 percent to 63 percent. Hoover also signed the Smoot-Hawley tariff, a 40 percent tax on imports. But aren’t higher taxes on the rich and protectionism against outsourcing Kerry’s signature issues? Every time outsourcing is mentioned in this campaign, voters should recognize Hoover’s fingerprints on the Kerry economic agenda.

There are valid criticisms one can make of the Bush domestic plan. But by denying reality, Kerry is missing an opportunity and cheapening the current economic debate. America would be better served by a sincere discussion on free trade, hitting at Republican inconsistencies on steel, sugar, and immigration. Democrats should also be attacking the rising complexity of income taxes and the corporate-interest loopholes, rather than engaging in inane class warfare.

“Gentlemen, you have come 60 days too late,” Hoover told banking officials visiting the White House in June 1930. “The depression is over.” This time around, the depression never happened. If Kerry’s theme of personal integrity is more than a slogan, he will face up to the strength of our economy and develop an honest economic agenda.

— Timothy Kane, Ph.D., is a research fellow in macroeconomics in the Center for Data Analysis at the Heritage Foundation.


nationalreview.com



To: TimF who wrote (198580)8/26/2004 6:33:16 PM
From: i-node  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1578189
 
The household survey has been under attack by pessimists for a variety of reasons, but today’s report shows that it to be more in line with other indicators of a strengthening economy. Jobless claims are down, unemployment durations are falling, and average pay is rising.

The media LOVES the opportunity to bash Bush. The day the numbers came out, you had to DIG for the household report -- but the survey was all over the place.

Personally, I think the Household report reflects the undercurrent of an economy in transition, and I'm not sure it is a bad thing.



To: TimF who wrote (198580)8/26/2004 7:46:22 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1578189
 
Resolving the Payroll-vs.-Household Debate

By Barry Ritholtz
RealMoney.com Contributor
8/13/2004 3:23 PM EDT




A week after the disappointing July employment report, it is hard to imagine that some economists are still sticking to the canard that the household survey more accurately reflects job creation and economic expansion than the payroll survey.

Several economists -- with agendas ranging from "refusal to admit error" to pure partisan politics -- continue to claim that the divergence between the two surveys understates the true strength of the economy.


How significant is the difference between these two data points? Consider the recent July payroll data, which came in significantly below expectations, with only 32,000 jobs created vs. a consensus of 240,000. The household survey covering the same month showed 629,000 new jobs. This might make investors more bullish, if they did not fully understand how the household survey is different from the payrolls survey. About 92% -- 577,000 of the jobs in the household survey -- were part-time only. Further, these 629,000 jobs also included uncompensated family employees and agricultural jobs, which, by definition, are not included in the nonfarm payroll survey.

An objective review of the data thoroughly discredits the "household survey is stronger" rationale, which has become the last refuge of economic scoundrels.

For those of you less interested in drilling down through the economic data, consider these comments from Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan during his congressional testimony at the House of Representatives on Feb. 11: "I wish I could say the household survey were the more accurate. Everything we've looked at suggests that it's the payroll data which are the series which you have to follow."

If you choose to ignore the congressional testimony of the Federal Reserve chairman, than consider the source of these reports themselves: The Bureau of Labor Statistics has recently looked into the statistical divergences between the two data sources and showed why the so-called household/payroll survey discrepancy is in actuality a "non-issue."

Different Methodologies

First, let's review the methodological differences. It turns out they are quite significant. The household survey relies on asking people -- in person, at their homes -- about their personal employment situation. A total of 60,000 households are contacted this way each month, according to analysts I spoke to at the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey.

The establishment, or payroll, survey, on the other hand, takes data directly from 400,000 established employers, typically though a payroll or human resources person.


The two different data series are extrapolated out to produce statistics on the 129.9 million employed people in the U.S.

The smaller survey size -- BLS contacts only one-seventh as many households as businesses -- helps explain why the household survey is so much more volatile, when projected out to the 100 million-plus level. Analysts at the BLS advise not putting too much stock into any one data point. What matters is the overall trend of job creation. Hence the reliance on moving averages by most economists.

Once we get past the quantitative data, consider the qualitative side of surveying: What is the objectivity of the persons providing the data? The payroll survey is derived from 400,000 businesses. It is a summary of corporate payroll data. There is simply no reason, nor any upside, for a corporate human resource person to falsify this information.

It is quite easy to imagine, however, an individual "puffing up" their own situation: It's simply a matter of pride or ego. Perhaps this helps explain why, ever since the technology bubble burst, there has been such a large increase in the numbers of "self-employed, work-at-home contractors" in the household survey. Very often, the phrase "work-at-home contractor" is merely a polite euphemism for being unemployed.


Different Jobs Measured

Second, let's look at what they measure: The two surveys actually quantify different jobs. When the BLS modified the household survey "to make it more 'similar in concept and definition' to the payroll survey," this divergence essentially disappears.

How? The BLS subtracted from the household survey those jobs not represented in the payroll data, specifically all agricultural and related employment, self-employed, unpaid family and private household workers, and workers absent without pay from their jobs.

The use of the broader standard (including farm labor, unpaid family workers and part-time employees) is what created the divergence. This is seen in the green line in either of the charts below. Using data "similar in concept and definition" to the payroll survey, the BLS found, eliminated the phantom missing jobs.

The BLS notes: The household series presented here has been smoothed for population control revisions. The "adjusted" household series has been smoothed for population control revisions and adjusted to an employment concept more similar to the payroll survey. Shaded area indicates recession. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics , March 5, 2004

The BLS notes: The household series presented here has been smoothed for population control revisions. The "adjusted" household series has been smoothed for population control revisions and adjusted to an employment concept more similar to the payroll survey. Shaded area indicates recession. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics , March 5, 2004

Conclusion

One of the inherent challenges of the market is what I like to call the "folly of forecasting."

Since the future is unknowable, the best we can do is make imperfect predictions based upon what we know at present. I give other analysts and strategists leeway when their conjectures prove incorrect -- as long as their models are rigorous and their intentions sincere. Call it the rule of "cutting the other guy some slack."

I have, however, no tolerance for erroneous economic expectations based upon faulty data, hidden agendas or personal biases. We saw examples of this during the heyday of the bubble years, when analysts regularly skewed their research in order to serve their investment banker masters, much to the detriment of investors.

This most recent episode with the household/payroll surveys has been similarly disingenuous.


To quote John Irons, senior economic research and policy analyst at OMB Watch, a Washington, D.C., nonprofit: "The [fastest] way to lose all economic credibility is to claim that either, one, the household survey is a better measure of employment than the payroll survey, or two, that 'economists disagree' about which survey should be used."

I couldn't agree more.

My research assistant Julie Heckman, soon to be heading back to Cornell, provided invaluable help with this column.



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