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Politics : Don't Blame Me, I Voted For Kerry -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: redfish who wrote (45968)	8/31/2004 3:55:40 PM
From: American Spirit	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 81568

Guliani and Arnold are both pro gay. Both have been rumored in the past to be a little light in the loafers. Arnold also likes groping women. A girl I know was groped by Arnold in Las Vegas. McCain is a good guy but should be supporting Kerry. They work well together. McCain is one of Bush's most bitter enemies on domestic issues. Bush also smeared McCain's war record in 2000 the same way his people did Kerry this time.

To: redfish who wrote (45968)	8/31/2004 4:10:59 PM
From: Andrew N. Cothran	Respond to of 81568

The Republican party would be wise to spread John McCain and Rudy Giuliani's message of support for President Bush far and wide. There should be no doubt that the first day of the Republican National Convention was devoted to the War on Terror. The highlighted speakers, including lifelong Democrat and actor Ron Silver, former New York City Chief of Police Benard Kerik, and former Mayor of New York City Rudy Giuliani all spoke exclusively on the war and its importance to this election. As The Blogging Caeser at Election Projection covered Giuliani's speech perfectly, I will take a look at another that I felt had great impact. The maverick Senator from Arizona, John McCain, issued a powerful and precise speech in praise of President Bush and in defense of the war and the necessity to fight it. Senator McCain provides an eloquent justification of the Iraq War, explaining the inevitability of conflict with Iraq and the dangers inherent in Saddam's regime. The war is "the test of our generation". Also included is a not so subtle rebuke of Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 911, which led to raucous applause from the delegates. After years of failed diplomacy and limited military pressure to restrain Saddam Hussein, President Bush made the difficult decision to liberate Iraq. Those who criticize that decision would have us believe that the choice was between a status quo that was well enough left alone and war. But there was no status quo to be left alone. The years of keeping Saddam in a box were coming to a close. The international consensus that he be kept isolated and unarmed had eroded to the point that many critics of military action had decided the time had come again to do business with Saddam, despite his near daily attacks on our pilots, and his refusal, until his last day in power, to allow the unrestricted inspection of his arsenal. Our choice wasn't between a benign status quo and the bloodshed of war. It was between war and a graver threat. Don't let anyone tell you otherwise. Not our critics abroad. Not our political opponents. And certainly not a disingenuous film maker who would have us believe that Saddam's Iraq was an oasis of peace when in fact it was a place of indescribable cruelty, torture chambers, mass graves and prisons that destroyed the lives of the small children held inside their walls. Whether or not Saddam possessed the terrible weapons he once had and used, freed from international pressure and the threat of military action, he would have acquired them again. The central security concern of our time is to keep such devastating weapons beyond the reach of terrorists who can't be dissuaded from using them by the threat of mutual destruction. We couldn't afford the risk posed by an unconstrained Saddam in these dangerous times. By destroying his regime we gave hope to people long oppressed that if they have the courage to fight for it, they may live in peace and freedom. Most importantly, our efforts may encourage the people of a region that has never known peace or freedom or lasting stability that they may someday possess these rights. I believe as strongly today as ever, the mission was necessary, achievable and noble. For his determination to undertake it, and for his unflagging resolve to see it through to a just end, President Bush deserves not only our support, but our admiration. Senator McCain ended his speech with a passionate request that America stand together to fight our common enemy. He highlights the goodness and strength of America, while chastising those that have practiced the politics of devisiveness in opposition to the war effort. We are Americans first, Americans last, Americans always. Let us argue our differences. But remember we are not enemies, but comrades in a war against a real enemy, and take courage from the knowledge that our military superiority is matched only by the superiority of our ideals, and our unconquerable love for them. Our adversaries are weaker than us in arms and men, but weaker still in causes. They fight to express a hatred for all that is good in humanity. We fight for love of freedom and justice, a love that is invincible. Keep that faith. Keep your courage. Stick together. Stay strong. Do not yield. Do not flinch. Stand up. Stand up with our President and fight. We're Americans. We're Americans, and we'll never surrender. They will. John McCain's speech is significant for several reasons. He is a highly decorated Vietnam War hero and prisoner of war that exercises great influence among veterans and moderate Republican and Democrats. His unflinching support of the Iraq War and his praise of President Bush will not go unnoticed by these constituencies. John McCain is also very popular among the media elite; he is the go to Republican when the media seeks a Republican voice independent of the party. It will be interesting to see how the media presents his speech to the American public. As the networks did not cover Monday's events, the speeches were only available to those viewing the convention on cable. This gives the networks an opportunity to downplay, spin or outright ignore the words of influential moderate Republicans such as John McCain and Rudy Giuliani. But for the undecided and independent voters concerned about the progress of the war, Monday's events provided a sharp contrast to the message conveyed by the leadership at the Democratic National Convention, where speakers were reluctant to even mention the war except in passing. Written by Bill Roggio at billroggio.com