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Politics : Don't Blame Me, I Voted For Kerry -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (48106)9/11/2004 3:19:48 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Subject: More on why Bush should go

__________________________

The CEO Test for Bush

Bush gave a long speech Thursday night, which sounded like a laundry
list of promises more than anything else. He pointed to few genuine
accomplishments during the past four years, and seemed stuck in
fall, 2001.

If you think about George W. Bush as CEO of America, Inc., it
becomes clearer why his poll numbers have been so low (low to mid
forties) in the run up to the election. No president with those
kinds of poll numbers in the spring before the election has ever
won.

Bush's basic characteristic is not steadfastness, as the convention
attempted to argue, but rashness. He is a gambler who goes for the
big bang. He loses his temper easily, and makes hasty and uninformed
decisions about important matters. No corporation would keep on a
CEO that took risks the way Bush has, if the gambles so often
resulted in huge losses.

Let us imagine you had a corporation with annual gross revenues of
about $2 trillion. And let's say that in 2000, it had profits of
$150 billion. So you bring in a new CEO, and within four years, the
profit falls to zero and then the company goes into the red to the
tune of over $400 billion per year. You're on the Board of Directors
and the CEO's term is up for renewal. Do you vote to keep him in?
That's what Bush did to the US government. He took it from surpluses
to deep in the red. We are all paying interest on the unprecedented
$400 billion per year in deficits (a deficit is just a loan), and
our grandchildren will be paying the interest in all likelihood.

And what if you had been working for America, Inc. all your life,
and were vested in its pension plan (i.e. social security)? And you
heard that the company is now hemorrhaging money and that the losses
are going to be paid for out of your pension? What if you thought
you were going to get $1000 a month to retire on, and it is only
going to be $500? Or maybe nothing at all? Because of the new CEO
whose management turned a profit-making enterprise into an economic
loser? Would you vote to keep him on?

What if the CEO convinced himself that the Mesopotamia Corp. was
planning a hostile takeover? What if he had appointed a lot of
senior vice-presidents who were either incompetent boobs or had some
kind of backroom deal going with crooked brokers, and fed him false
information that Mesopotamia Corp. was making a move and had amassed
a big war chest for the purpose? And what if, to avoid this
imaginary threat, he launched a preemptive hostile takeover of his
own, spending at least $200 billion to accomplish it (on top of the
more than $400 billion he is already losing every year)? Remember,
it was a useless expenditure.

It turns out that Mesopotamia Corp. was a creaky old dinosaur with
no cash reserves, and couldn't have launched a hostile takeover of
the neighborhood mom and pop store. And, moreover, its arena of
operations is extremely dangerous, and nearly a thousand America,
Inc. workers get killed taking it over. And it turns out that the
managers that the CEO put into Mesopotamia Corp. were bunglers. They
adopted policies that made the taken-over employees bitter and
sullen and uncooperative. Instead of standing on its own, the wholly
owned subsidiary of Mesopotamia, Inc., requires continued infusion
of capital from America, Inc. It looks increasingly as though
Mesopotamia, Inc., will have to be let loose, and that its new
managers will opt for interest-free Islamic banking as soon as they
can.

Meanwhile, the real threat of a hostile takeover comes from
al-Qaeda, Inc. Because 138,000 employees had to be assigned to
Mesopotamia, Inc., there are few left to meet that challenge.

So given this kind of record, do you vote this CEO back in? It is
often said that a lot of Americans want to stick with Bush to "see
Iraq through." But if you think about him as a CEO, and look at how
well he has run things, you can see the idiocy of this argument. The
real question is, do you throw good money after bad?

Juan Cole
Friday, September 3, 2004
from www.juancole.com



To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (48106)9/11/2004 4:06:08 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
An Elder Challenges Outsourcing's Orthodoxy
__________________________________________

By STEVE LOHR
The New York Times
September 9, 2004

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

At 89, Paul A. Samuelson, the Nobel Prize-winning economist and professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, still seems to have plenty of intellectual edge and the ability to antagonize and amuse.

His dissent from the mainstream economic consensus about outsourcing and globalization will appear later this month in a distinguished journal, cloaked in clever phrases and theoretical equations, but clearly aimed at the orthodoxy within his profession: Alan Greenspan, chairman of the Federal Reserve; N. Gregory Mankiw, chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers; and Jagdish N. Bhagwati, a leading international economist and professor at Columbia University.

These heavyweights, among others, are perpetrators of what Mr. Samuelson terms "the popular polemical untruth."

Popular among economists, that is. That untruth, Mr. Samuelson asserts in an article for the Journal of Economic Perspectives, is the assumption that the laws of economics dictate that the American economy will benefit in the long run from all forms of international trade, including the outsourcing abroad of call-center and software programming jobs.

Sure, Mr. Samuelson writes, the mainstream economists acknowledge that some people will gain and others will suffer in the short term, but they quickly add that "the gains of the American winners are big enough to more than compensate for the losers."

That assumption, so widely shared by economists, is "only an innuendo," Mr. Samuelson writes. "For it is dead wrong about necessary surplus of winnings over losings."

Trade, in other words, may not always work to the advantage of the American economy, according to Mr. Samuelson.

In an interview last week, Mr. Samuelson said he wrote the article to "set the record straight" because "the mainstream defenses of globalization were much too simple a statement of the problem." Mr. Samuelson, who calls himself a "centrist Democrat," said his analysis did not come with a recipe of policy steps, and he emphasized that it was not meant as a justification for protectionist measures.

Up to now, he said, the gains to America have outweighed the losses from trade, but that outcome is not necessarily guaranteed in the future.

In his article, Mr. Samuelson begins by noting the unease many Americans feel about their jobs and wages these days, especially as the economies of China and India emerge on the strength of their low wages, increasingly skilled workers and rising technological prowess. "This is a hot issue now, and in the coming decade, it will not go away," he writes.

The essay is Mr. Samuelson's effort to contribute economic nuance to the policy debate over outsourcing and trade. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, a quarterly published by the American Economic Association, has a modest circulation of 21,000 but it is influential in the field.

Indeed, Mr. Bhagwati and two colleagues, Arvind Panagariya, an economics professor at Columbia, and T. N. Srinivasan, a professor of economics at Yale University, have already submitted an article to the journal that is partly a response to Mr. Samuelson. Theirs is titled "The Muddles Over Outsourcing."

The Samuelson critique carries added weight given the stature of the author. "He invented so many of the economic models that everyone uses," noted Timothy Taylor, managing editor of the Journal of Economic Perspectives.

For generations of undergraduates, starting in 1948, the study of economics has meant a Samuelson textbook, now in its 18th edition, with William Nordhaus, a Yale economist, as a co-author since the 12th edition. Because he has taught at M.I.T. for six decades, the elite ranks of the economics profession are filled with Mr. Samuelson's former students, including Mr. Bhagwati and Mr. Mankiw.

According to Mr. Samuelson, a low-wage nation that is rapidly improving its technology, like India or China, has the potential to change the terms of trade with America in fields like call-center services or computer programming in ways that reduce per-capita income in the United States. "The new labor-market-clearing real wage has been lowered by this version of dynamic fair free trade," Mr. Samuelson writes.

But doesn't purchasing cheaper call-center or programming services from abroad reduce input costs for various industries, delivering a net benefit to the economy? Not necessarily, Mr. Samuelson replied. To put things in simplified terms, he explained in the interview, "being able to purchase groceries 20 percent cheaper at Wal-Mart does not necessarily make up for the wage losses."

The global spread of lower-cost computing and Internet communications breaks down the old geographic boundaries between labor markets, he noted, and could accelerate the pressure on wages across large swaths of the service economy. "If you don't believe that changes the average wages in America, then you believe in the tooth fairy," Mr. Samuelson said.

His article, Mr. Samuelson added, is not a refutation of David Ricardo's 1817 theory of comparative advantage, the Magna Carta of international economics that says free trade allows economies to benefit from the efficiencies of global specialization. Mr. Samuelson said he was merely "interpreting fully and correctly Ricardoian comparative advantage theory." That interpretation, he insists, includes some "important qualifications" to the arguments of globalization's cheerleaders.

Those qualifications are not new to Mr. Samuelson. He noted that in a different context, he touched on similar matters as far back as 1972 in a lecture he delivered shortly after he won his Nobel Prize, titled "International Trade for a Rich Country."

For his part, Mr. Bhagwati does not dispute the model that Mr. Samuelson presents in his article. "Paul is a great economist and a terrific theorist," he said. "And in markets like information technology services, where America has a big advantage, it is true that if skills build up abroad, that narrows our competitive advantage and our exports will be hit."

But Mr. Bhagwati, the author of "In Defense of Globalization" (Oxford University Press, 2004), says he doubts whether the Samuelson model applies broadly to the economy. "Paul and I disagree only on the realistic aspects of this," he said.

The magnified concern, Mr. Bhagwati said, is that China will take away most of American manufacturing and India will take away the high-technology services business. Looking at the small number of jobs actually sent abroad, and based on his own knowledge of developing nations, he concludes that outsourcing worries are greatly exaggerated.

As an example, Mr. Bhagwati pointed to the often-repeated estimates that, because of the Internet, as many as 300 million well-educated workers, mostly from India and China, could now enter the global work force and compete with Americans for skilled jobs.

In their paper, Mr. Bhagwati and his co-authors write that such an assessment of the education systems of India and China "almost borders on the ludicrous." In an interview, Mr. Bhagwati said, "You have a lot of people, but that doesn't mean they are qualified. That sort of thinking is really generalizing based on the kind of Indian and Chinese people who manage to make it to Silicon Valley."

The Samuelson model, Mr. Bhagwati said, yields net economic losses only when foreign nations are closing the innovation gap with the United States.

"But we can change the terms of trade by moving up the technology ladder," he said. "The U.S. is a reasonably flexible, dynamic, innovative society. That's why I'm optimistic."

The policy implications, he added, include increased investment in science, research and education. And Mr. Samuelson and Mr. Bhagwati agree that the way to buffer the adjustment for the workers who lose in the global competition is with wage insurance programs.

"You need more temporary protection for the losers," Mr. Samuelson said. "My belief is that every good cause is worth some inefficiency."

nytimes.com



To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (48106)9/11/2004 9:33:55 AM
From: ChinuSFORead Replies (1) | Respond to of 81568
 
Bush, Kerry Are Tied, And Neither Has Closed the Deal Yet
By Mort Kondracke
September 10, 2004
<font size=3>
President Bush may have gotten a "bump" in support during the GOP convention, but it's already dissipated. Once again, he's tied with Democrat John Kerry. That's the evidence emerging from daily tracks by the Rasmussen poll. And focus groups in 17 battleground states conducted by Democratic consultant Bob Beckel also suggest that Bush failed to decisively convert undecided voters.

Polling 1,000 voters a night, Rasmussen found that Bush went into last week's convention with a one-point lead, 47 percent to 46 percent, and came out last Saturday with a lead of 4.4 points, 49.1 percent to 44.7 percent. By this Tuesday night, however, the race had slipped back to 47-47. That's a more accurate measure of the race than the average of four other polls conducted over the weekend and released this week. Those polls give Bush a six-point lead.

Also suggesting a tie is the fact that the Gallup poll, while showing Bush leading by seven points among likely voters, also found Bush leading by just one among registered voters. Many experts expect that the prospect of a big turnout this year makes the registered-voter figure the more accurate predictor.

Conducting its polls state by state, Rasmussen reported that Bush leads in electoral votes by 213 to 175, but lacks an edge in enough of the most hotly contested states to reach the 270 threshold for election. An average of state polls by Realclearpolitics.com gives Bush a lead of 269 to 228.

Beckel, who was Walter Mondale's campaign manager in 1984, conducted his focus groups in partnership with an unnamed Republican during both conventions. The duo found that neither candidate made a final sale.

Of 87 "serious" undecided voters - all of whom voted in the last three elections - only two declared for Bush after the GOP convention. One decided for Kerry and the rest remained undecided.

Beckel is convinced that the undecided pool is larger than the 4 percent or 5 percent usually assumed for this polarized election. To Beckel, "persuadeables" may actually account for up to 15 percent of the electorate.

While acknowledging that he's a partisan Democrat, Beckel said he thinks that "Bush is in a lot more trouble than people think he is." The reason: Battleground-state voters are more concerned about the economy, health care and stem cells than about terrorism and Iraq.

"The best thing to come out of Kerry's convention," he said, "is that, contrary to reports that he talked only about Vietnam, voters heard him talking about unemployment and health care. "They don't understand all the details of what Kerry is for, but they know it's different from where Bush is, which they think is nowhere."

Bush did not impress focus-group participants during the first half of his acceptance speech, which covered domestic issues. However, he "won an A-plus" during the second half, dealing with foreign policy.

Asked to grade the total speech, participants gave Bush a "B-plus," about the same grade Kerry earned for his speech. Seperate groups watched each convention. "When Bush was discussing domestic policy, people in the groups were quite aware that he'd proposed a lot of this stuff before," Beckel said. "And a number of them asked, 'He's had four years. Why hasn't he done this sooner?'

"When we said, 'Bush has been busy fighting a war on terrorism,' what we got back from a number of people was, 'Well, if it was that important, why didn't he raise taxes on rich people?' Older people remembered that taxes got raised during past wars."

Beckel said that "the best thing that happened for Bush at his convention" was the speech by Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) that made"a connection between the Iraq war and terrorism in an understandable way."

He added that California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (R) received kudos for taking on Kerry. "But they didn't like [former New York Mayor Rudy] Giuliani," he said. And the speech by Sen. Zell Miller (D-Ga.) "was a disaster. People said Miller's speech 'represents the worst in politics.'"

"Giuliani talked about 9/11," Beckel said, "which is a subject voters simply don't want to be reminded about. A number of people said, 'Bush needs to keep us scared to win this election' and one woman said 'if you have to live like this, why live? It's like the bomb-shelter days.'"

Also, he said, voters do not want to hear about Vietnam. "They are convinced that Kerry was a hero and that the Swift Boat veterans are under instructions from the White House. But they don't care about Vietnam. They want to know, 'What are you going to do for me tomorrow?'"

Beckel added, "If there was one thing that was striking, it's how many people know and care about the stem-cell issue. It was the most remarked-upon single thing in (first lady) Laura Bush's speech. They were offended that someone forced her to say that Bush was the first president to fund stem cell research, even if it's technically true.

"Sixty of the 87 people were connected somehow to a disease that might be cured with stem cells, either as caregivers or as having the disease, and they knew the difference between the number of lines Bush claimed were available for research, 69, and the actual number, 17."

The bottom line of both the Rasmussen polling and of Beckel's focus groups is that Democrats should stop fretting about Bush's post-convention lead. It doesn't exist.