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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: LindyBill who wrote (77698)10/15/2004 10:02:06 AM
From: jim-thompson  Respond to of 793845
 
This guy is one of the best talking heads that I have watched. He is so dry and unemotional and goes right to the heart of the problem whatever it might be.

He has John Kerry's, a.k.a "Stolen Honor" number.

washingtonpost.com

This is another very good article written by this guy.

The Vietnamization of John Kerry

By Charles Krauthammer
Friday, October 1, 2004; Page A29

It was a major mistake for John Kerry to spend four days at the Democratic convention establishing his connection to Vietnam. But it was oddly appropriate. More than any other politician of our time -- including John McCain, who spent five and a half years in a Vietnam prison camp rather than four and a half months on a Swift boat -- Kerry has been haunted and shaped by Vietnam.

Kerry in turn has been one of the most important shapers of the meaning of Vietnam for the rest of the country. Over the course of his three decades in public life, he has presented Vietnam in three different ways.

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• The Art Of Losing Friends (The Washington Post, Sep 24, 2004)
• Nowhere Left to Flop (The Washington Post, Sep 17, 2004)
• Kerry the Spectator (The Washington Post, Sep 10, 2004)
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First, the one that electrified the nation and made him famous was Vietnam as moral outrage, a crime, a place where U.S. soldiers "with the full awareness of officers at all levels of command" acted like "the armies of Genghis Khan." That was Kerry in his antiwar phase, testifying before Congress in 1971.

Second, Vietnam as a strategic error, a quagmire stumbled into by a well-meaning nation. That was Kerry for the next 30 years. In a now-famous Senate speech denouncing U.S. support for the Nicaraguan contras, Kerry cited his own searing experiences in Vietnam (and Cambodia, he claimed) as an object lesson in not intervening abroad.

Third, presented to the nation at this year's Democratic convention: Vietnam as field of glory. Hence the flourish and fanfare for the Swift boat vets, the biopic featuring riverboat exploits, culminating in "I'm John Kerry, and I'm reporting for duty."

Unfortunately for Kerry, field of glory does not work in a place he himself once proclaimed the scene of a crime. There is simply no escaping the dissonance of glorying in a military service of which Kerry said, as he concluded his 1971 statement to Congress, "We wish that a merciful God could wipe away our own memories of that service."

Yet Kerry's convention strategy was perfectly understandable. He would use Vietnam to establish his credentials as a credible commander in chief. Having not distinguished himself in any way on national security in his 20 years in Congress -- a deficiency Hillary Clinton shares and which she is astutely addressing by establishing herself as a rather hawkish member of the Senate Armed Services Committee -- he fell back on his Vietnam heroism to cross the minimal threshold required in any wartime election. Cross the threshold, then go back to "the economy, stupid."

It did not work. He miscalculated the overriding salience of the Iraq war. It took him two months -- and sinking polls -- to realize that this election will be won or lost on national security. On Sept. 20, Kerry finally swung his campaign back to Iraq and the war on terrorism.

But character is destiny. Kerry fell back to talking about the current war in the only way he knows -- in terms of Vietnam.

He does not say "Vietnam" explicitly. But this new, aggressive Iraq stance has one unmistakable theme: wrong war in the wrong place at the wrong time. Vietnam -- not as crime, not as glory but as terrible strategic mistake.

But where does Kerry go from there? He now gets an exceedingly rare historical second chance: Vietnam II, getting it right this time. What, then, is he offering as a solution? He will begin withdrawing troops by next summer and get us out by the end of his first term.

But this makes no sense. Why wait four years? If it is a quagmire, then one has to ask the question that John Kerry asked Congress in 1971, the most memorable line he has ever uttered: "How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?"

If Kerry had not had such a tortured history on Vietnam and on Iraq, he might have run as a straightforward antiwar candidate and simply said: We are getting out.

Instead, Kerry is offering to magically get allies to replace us while accelerating Iraqification. (Does he imagine the administration is operating at anything less than breakneck speed to transfer the burden from U.S. soldiers to Iraqis?) In 1968 Richard Nixon ran and won on a similar platform -- Vietnamization -- and got us out of Vietnam almost precisely by the end of his first presidential term.

Nixon, remember, was vilified by Kerry and his antiwar colleagues for prolonging the suffering and dying in Vietnam for four unnecessary years. Yet here is Kerry, after 30 years of torturous reexamination of Vietnam, coming full circle and running as Nixon 1968: mysterious plan, Iraqification, out in four years. A novelist could not have written this tale. It would be too implausible.

letters@charleskrauthammer.com

washingtonpost.com



To: LindyBill who wrote (77698)10/15/2004 2:35:06 PM
From: KLP  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793845
 
Here's a 1997 article about Krauthammer...He is not only a paraplegic but a Psychiatrist as well. Some most interesting historical notes included here....

PEOPLE: The Right Man
By HILLEL KUTTLER
Charles Krauthammer, the unpredictable, confrontational, neo-conservative journalist,
talks to Hillel Kuttler in Washington

Monday, February 17, 1997 10 AdarI 5757
.
jacq.org

(17 February) After Israel's shelling of a UN camp in Qana, south Lebanon, last April, killing more than 100 Lebanese refugees, much of the media asked why the IDF fired and whether Hizbullah had provoked it.

Syndicated columnist Charles Krauthammer had a different take. "What are well-armed UN troops doing allowing guerrillas to fire rockets from within yards of a UN camp? After all, the UN itself says that each UNIFIL post 'is assigned responsibility for ensuring that hostile activities are not undertaken from the areas surrounding it,'" he wrote in the weekly Standard, a new American conservative magazine.

When he writes about the Middle East, which he does regularly, Krauthammer maintains that many things aren't right. He has criticized PLO chairman Yasser Arafat for evading Palestinian commitments under the Oslo accords and pronounced himself "absolutely staggered" by Labor 's initiation of what he calls not a peace process but a "withdrawal process." Krauthammer also finds Secretary of State Warren Christopher contemptible for leading what he calls a "hopelessly misguided" foreign policy meant to draw Syrian President Hafez Assad into reaching a peace treaty with Israel.

Then there is Assad. In a Washington Post column last June, Krauthammer penned a fictional letter from President Clinton to Assad that opened: "Dear Hafez: You sonofabitch."

Within days, a letter to the editor criticized the paper for permitting a key Arab leader to be mocked in this manner. The author, however, is unrepentant. "Sonofabitch is actually a mild term to describe a world-class thug and butcher," Krauthammer says now. "Even if it had not been a satiric column, even if I had meant it seriously, it would have been perfectly appropriate.... I think it's absolutely disgraceful how we sugar-coat the real nature of some of the thugs on the planet."

Having said that, Krauthammer might still have excused the US approach. "I am not against immoral foreign policies if they work," he says.

MANY WASHINGTON columnists create a niche and park themselves in it, be it foreign affairs, domestic policy, or social justice. While such matters capture his fancy, Krauthammer is apt to tackle any topic. He torpedoes to the heart of an issue and articulates an argument in a way that leaves admirers impressed by the surprising logic of it all.

In short, Krauthammer, 46, is unpredictable. He wrote one Post column glorifying the film Independence Day. In a Time magazine piece, he wrote, in awe, of how IBM's Deep Blue computer won a game against chess champion Garry Kasparov.

Although a conservative, he's hard to pin down. In the Post he criticized plans to transfer a sex criminal to a mental hospital after his prison sentence was completed. He loves books and newspapers but is certain the Internet will eventually supplant them because he has "been over to the future, and it works."

He also cut against the grain of an America that cast Shannon Lucid as a hero for her recent marathon visit to outer space. To Krauthammer, "spending six months in an orbiting phone booth with a couple of guys named Yuri is an apt reflection on our times of domesticated, miniaturized aspirations."

Even when he doesn't have a particular issue in mind, "the Lord provides, with stunning regularity, somebody, somewhere, who does something outrageous, moronic, hilarious, unbelievable, parodic" to write about.

Says Gordon Peterson, a local anchorman on whose weekly program Inside Washington Krauthammer is a regular panelist: "He's absolutely brilliant. If I come up one person short, I can use him on both sides. But you can't pigeonhole him, that he'll argue the conservative line.... He was one of the first people to say [Bob] Dole was running a terrible campaign."

In life, as in writing, Krauthammer jumps around. This is someone who won a Pulitzer Prize in 1986, a mere three years into the business. He studied political science, went to Oxford and wrote his thesis on John Stuart Mill's concept of aesthetics - "as abstract as you can get," he says - and while there chucked it all in because he decided on medicine instead.

That was his "little crisis" in August 1971, when Krauthammer called Harvard from England to reclaim his spot in their medical school and jetted there the next day. He went on to become a psychiatrist.

On the last day of his residency at Massachusetts General Hospital, Krauthammer felt the pull back to politics, and "just as impulsively" headed to Washington in 1978 for a job in mental health policy during the Carter administration.

"I was always interested in a lot of things. I didn't want to restrict what I did," he says.

He's been paralyzed by a spinal-cord injury since a 1972 diving accident. It's a topic he'd rather not highlight. "It's very expensive to be able to have just an ordinary life. My wheelchair is almost the price of a car, my car is practically the price of a modest house, my house - you can imagine the geometric progression here."

Of all the columns he's penned, there's been nothing on living 25 years in this condition, nothing on the rights of the handicapped. "I'd like to say something profound about it and that hasn't quite occurred to me yet," Krauthammer says . "It's just very bad luck I had. I don't see anything more metaphysical than that involved. Everyone has their bad luck. Mine took this form."

KRAUTHAMMER has been prevented, by his disability, from visiting Israel.

He hasn't been here since 1971. On visits in 1968 and 1970 he rented a motorcycle and scooted all over the country. He ventured alone into the heart of the West Bank. Israeli police once detained him for taking photographs near the border in Kiryat Shmona. He picked grapes on Moshav Nir Etzion and worked on an archeological dig near the Temple Mount. "I loved it," he says. "It was paradise."

Krauthammer hopes to return this summer with his wife Robyn and son Daniel, 11, but first he wants to take a preliminary trip himself, to see whether it can be done. And that necessitates shipping over his custom-built Dodge Caravan, which is proving to be a logistical headache.

The Krauthammer family has done its fair share of traveling. His brother Marcel was born in Brazil, his mother Thea is Belgian. Krauthammer's late father Shulim was from Galicia and became a naturalized French citizen who fought for France in World War II, and afterwards settled in Cuba where he produced industrialized diamonds, a cutting tool, for the US Army. He later moved to New York - where Charles was born - went into real estate and found himself doing so much of his business in Montreal that he moved the family there.

Krauthammer attended the city's United Talmud Torah through high school before enrolling in McGill University. It was there that his political and journalism careers were launched. At 19 he engineered a coup against the editor of the campus newspaper because it was run by students Krauthammer calls Maoists. He was then asked to run it, and in his first editor's column he called it: "The one thing I'm proudest about: a defense of pluralism."

"Today [it] seems pretty ordinary. But in the climate of 1969, to defend the right of people to express their views and to say that a newspaper ought to publish all views and not be an instrument of class warfare, was pretty unusual," he says.

These days, Krauthammer accepts the label "neo-conservative" but says he stands out from most "neo-cons" by never having been a radical, of not riding the "great trajectory from left to right" that others had - though he was a Social Democrat in his teens. During the 1980s he wrote fervently against the US pursuing a nuclear weapons test-ban treaty, and on behalf of the Nicaraguan contras.

"Basically, I think that the hard-line Cold Warrior view that I was attached to has been totally vindicated by history. Considering that Communism was the second-greatest evil of this century, to have taken even a very minor part in opposing it was quite satisfying."

Krauthammer seems set for good as a writer, but at the same time does not preclude his jumping back into a previous life. "That's the agony of growing older. You have to close the doors as you go along. ... You finally have to realize you can't do everything."

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