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To: LindyBill who wrote (80939)10/26/2004 3:58:03 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793899
 
More from Horserace. This first blog I go to now.

News of the Day for 10-26
1. I'd like to lead with a note on the polls. People are worried about some of the closing polls. LA Times and ABC News seem to be the primary concerns for most of you out there. For those of you whom I have not convinced about Rasmussen, you are probably fretting about that poll, too. For you Rasmussen nervous nellies, I can do nothing except repeat that the poll is crap (one wonders how many times this must be repeated before they stop mentioning it on Fox).

For the rest of you, here is the bottom line: as of this writing, Bush is averaging 49.0% of the vote in an unweighted reconciliation of the polls. That's right, folks. He's at 49% nationwide. We can be 95% confident that he is between 48% and 50%.

Kerry, meanwhile, is averaging 45.9%. We can be 95% confident that he is between 44.9% and 46.8%. With Nader averaging a little less than 1%, that leaves a little more than 4% of registered voters.

Thus, for Kerry to win the popular vote, he would basically have to win each and every undecided voter out there. This has never been done before in American history.

I know a lot of people are nervous and anxious about this election. Polls which show surprising results make you jittery. Please try to remember the following. In a 3 way race that is separated by 3% and with 10 current polls, it is a statistical inevitability that you will find a pro-Kerry poll out there. A rough poll (e.g. ABC News) does not mean that all hope is lost. It does not even mean that any hope is lost. It is to be expected. My sincere advice to you is to wait until the evening for my rolling average.

Note that The LA Times poll also has issues with partisan identification. They look like they are undersampling Republicans...specifically Republican men. Any poll where Bush is winning women but is losing men indicates that this is the case. This might have been a consequence of the fact that they did their poll over the weekend (though Gallup, which also does its poll over the weekened, rarely has this problem). Note that averaging this poll out with the rest of them diminishes this skew, but not entirely. Here is a good site for more information.

The actual skew of The LA Times poll is impossible to quantify. However, please bear in mind that the changes in The LA Times poll's partisan political preferences are entirely within the margin of error for each statistic. Since The Times does not hold partisanship constant, as Zogby does, it can fluctuate. Now, The LA Times has had some radical fluctuations, and these fluctuations have "ripple effects" on their horserace numbers, as partisanship is the #1 predictor of one's vote, but this does not mean The LA Times is doing anything wrong here. All it means is that there are a whole series of problems with polling that extend beyond the realm of statistical variation. They reach deep into the heart of methodology. Specifically, the key problem with all presidential polling is that it seeks to sample a population (11-2 voters) that does not yet exist. That reduces polling to guesswork...and, until after the fact, it is all unfalsifiable guesswork.

2. Most of the election coverage this morning focuses on Clinton. Does this benefit Kerry? Well, as I said, most of the election coverage this morning focuses on Clinton. It seems more than just the media is openly wishing 42 could run for a third term. The Washington Post reports:

Kerry's campaign regards Clinton as a potent tool for sparking enthusiasm and encouraging voter turnout among Democratic base voters. In recent days, Kerry strategists have been trying to balance multiple requests from battleground state operatives for his presence, against the limitation that Clinton's still-frail physical condition cannot accommodate a hectic schedule with several stops in a day.
Do you think that Kedwards is having base problems? I sure do! It sounds like people on the ground are desperate to get some Clintonian sugar sent their way.

3. The NY Times has a mostly condescending piece about Dubya's faith, but there is an interesting insight into the multi-faceted strategy of Bush/Cheney '04 in wooing Evangelicals:

Last May, the president sat down in the Roosevelt Room of the White House with a group of journalists and editors from the Christian media for the kind of lengthy, wide-ranging interview he has not granted reporters with the secular media. "The job of president," he told them, "is to help cultures change."
Twice during the interview, he praised one of the men interviewing him, the Rev. Richard John Neuhaus, a Catholic priest who edits First Things, a conservative journal on religion and public policy. "Father Richard helped me craft what is still the integral part of my position on abortion, which is: every child welcomed to life and protected by law," the president said.
Bush/Cheney has used this tactic time and again -- that is, appealing to media outlets outside the mainstream. This is one of the reasons we can expect a higher turnout among evangelicals for BC04. Has it worked? Well, note how incredulous The Times is when it writes:

In interviews with more than two dozen religious leaders who have met with the president, the startling thing that emerges is that Mr. Bush has managed to convince the most traditionalist believers of almost every stripe - Christian fundamentalists and evangelicals, Catholics, Jews, Muslims and even Sikhs - that his beliefs are just like theirs.
Their shock cannot be contained. They may as well have said, "How...how...can anybody except the most blind, knee-jeck, Bible thumpers be buying what this guy is selling?" Well...it is selling. It seems to me like it is working.

Maybe this is why Kerry is making such explicit faith-based appeals this week, as The Chicago Tribune notes:

Trying to reveal a more personal side to the voters who have yet to make a decision in the presidential campaign, Sen. John Kerry on Sunday described the faith and the values that would inform his decisions should he occupy the Oval Office.
Bush's strategy, and Kerry's lame responses, indicate to me that both candidates smell potential with religious voters. Pro-Bush potential, that is. It seems like Kerry is trying to blunt its overall effect.

4. Are the Democrats losing the Jewish vote? The Chicago Tribune speculates:

...a poll taken last summer for the American Jewish Committee shows Bush with about 24 percent of the Jewish vote nationally. In recent weeks, the percentage is likely to have grown incrementally, political observers say, especially in the swing states.
...in an appearance at a retiree community in West Palm Beach last Monday, Kerry hammered home his support for Israel. It came after aides in Florida signaled alarm over Jewish voter defections.
This is undoubtedly why Clinton headed to Boca yesterday after his jaunt to Ft. Lauderdale. South Florida alone has 500,000 Jewish voters. If Bush does 5% better with Jewish voters, that could be a net 17,500 votes in South Florida.

5. The LA Times notes that all this hullabahoo about newly registered voters could be over nothing:

The political significance of the new registrations remains unclear, however, because some of the biggest growth has been in independent voters and because party loyalties remain unknown in two critical Midwest swing states -- Ohio and Wisconsin.
Nationwide, at least two polls in the last week showed that newly registered voters favored Democratic presidential candidate John F. Kerry by double-digit margins. The Massachusetts senator holds an even greater lead, the polls found, among voters 29 and younger, many of whom will be voting for the first time.
This is an excellent point. Voter registration organizations with a horse in the race have been registering people to one party or another, not to "no party." In every state, registration of independents is what is driving the increase in voting rolls. These people are much less likely to vote than partisans. A big reason for this is that these people exist outside the GOTV efforts of partisan organizations. Furthermore, young voters are much less likely to vote than older voters. Neither P Diddy nor Kurt Loder will likely change that.

All of this indicates to me that we might actually see voter turnout, measured as a percentage of all registered voters, decline this time around. I remain supremely skeptical of national turnout increasing, given that the race is down to about six states. What is a new voter's motiviation to vote in CA, NY, MA, AL, MS, MO, etc? Further, many of these swing states -- IA, MN, WI, FL -- had incredible turnout rates in 2000 to begin with. 70% would be hard to top -- with so many independent voters existing outside GOTV organizations, it would even be hard to sustain. With so many newly registered independents, it could even decline. Surprisingly enough, James Carville of all people sums up the point nicely:

Asked about the chances that newly registered voters would prove key to winning an election, Democratic political strategist James Carville once said: "You know what they call a candidate who's counting on a lot of new voters? A loser."
Note that the article goes on to note that Kedwards is expecting lots and lots of new voters for them! They also perfunctorily note how enthsused young voters are by the rock-show elements of this election -- I would ask if that will turn them to the polls, then why did Nader, who explicitly created such an attitude in 2000, underperform drastically that year?

6. The St. Petersburg Times becomes the latest media outlet to note the problems that Kerry has among black voters:

Anything but strong turnout and overwhelming African-American support for Kerry could doom his chances. In 2000, record black turnout in Florida helped turn Florida into a virtual tie that took Republicans by surprise. This year, the mobilization effort is far greater, with a major focus on getting people to vote early.
But for all the anecdotal evidence of heavy African-American turnout, there are hints that Kerry might not be doing as strongly as he needs to be. At a John Edwards rally in St. Petersburg on Saturday, white people held "African-Americans for Kerry-Edwards" placards.
A St. Petersburg Times/Miami Herald poll released Sunday showed Bush more than doubling his support from black voters since 2000, with 19 percent support. That estimate is imprecise because the pollsters surveyed fewer than 100 likely black voters in Florida, and the Kerry-Edwards campaign says its internal polling never shows Bush in double digits. But it mirrors a national poll released last week showing 18 percent of African-Americans backing Bush.
Good point about the margin of error on the poll -- but that national poll (whose name I cannot remember) is indubitably trouble for Kedwards. What's more Kedwards' actions among black voters definitely belie their confident rhetoric.

Actually, that poll out last week puts the lie to their claim about "internal polling." The chances that you could do an internal poll that shows things unchanged from FL 2000 while a public poll shows a net change of 14% is less than 1%.

Generally, Kerry faces two major problems: reaching the level of turnout Gore enjoyed in 2000, reaching the level of support Gore enjoyed in 2000. Gore came so close to winning FL only because of these two factors. If Bush does as well as past GOPers have done among black voters (12%), that will net him 75,000 and put FL out of reach for Kerry. This is all I am expecting. The Democratic Party is very good at consolidating its base voters, and thus much of Bush's 18% of the black vote will disappear. However, it took an ad like the NAACP's James Byrd ad to drop Dubya below the usual black level of support for the GOP.

Kerry, meanwhile, continues to trudge along on his embarassingly awkward quest to "appeal" to black voters. One wonders at this point whether he knows any other Bible versus besides James 2:17. Kerry reminds us that faith without works is dead. B yron York, meanwhile, reminds us:

In 1995, Kerry reportedly had a taxable income of $126,179, and made charitable contributions of $0. In 1994, he gave $2,039 to charity. In 1993, the figure was $175. In 1992, it was $820, and in 1991, it was $0.
Note that these were the years in which Kerry was not married to indepndently wealthy women.

7. The Cleveland Plain Dealer notes that the GOP has challenged some 17,000 ballots in Cuyahoga County. They also point out a surprisingly funny bit of irony in the situation:

The Cuyahoga County Board of Elections must find more than 17,000 registered voters by Friday to tell them they may be culled from the rolls by Republican challengers.
One problem: the very reason these voters are being challenged is because the elections board can't seem to reach them.
On Friday, the Ohio Republican Party filed papers questioning the validity of the registrations because the voters' addresses appeared to be wrong and the mail from the elections board was being returned.
The voters must be allowed to show that their registrations are valid before Sunday. So today, election officials will begin mailing out urgent notices to these voters to the same flawed addresses on their registration forms.
"It's almost a flaw in the law," said Michael Vu, director of the county's elections board.
Unfortunately, the paper fails to indicate how the BOE will resolve this dispute. At the least, Ohio nervous nellies should take solace in this. If the Democrats are trying to commit fraud, the GOP is not sitting idly by.

8. Finally, in case any of you did not know, Thomas Oliphant is a blockhead. Note his ridiculous attempt to explain Bush's absence in OH under the rubric of "OH and the country actually hates his guts!" It doesn't nearly pass the smell test:

...in several of the most closely contested states he is being kept away because his appearances tend to gin up the local Democrats as much as they do Republicans. In the so-called Red states Bush carried in 2000 that he is most in danger of losing to Kerry -- New Hampshire, Ohio, and Nevada most prominently -- Bush's absences since the debates have been noteworthy. There are exceptions (Florida, above all), but the pattern has been clear, as witness recent forays into longshot and Kerry-leaning territories like New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
Where to begin with this? How about this:

A. How does this explain Bush's frequent trips to blue states? Would we not expect blue states to have a Democratic base more easily angered about Dubya?
B. How does this explain Bush's frequent trips to Florida? As Florida is the scene of Bush's greatest crime, would we not expect the Democratic base to get especially bothered by Dubya's recent visits?
C. How is this Democratic base important? Are they not already "hotted up" enough to vote? And if so, what difference does it make that Bush hots them up some more? They can only vote once (insert your favorite fraud joke here).
D. How does this explain Cheney's frequent trips to OH. Since he is the mastermind of the evil Bush presidency, would not his presence hot up the base as much as Dubya's presence?
E. Bush was in Nevada for a whole day after the third debate.
F. Ohio is majority Republican -- so would not we expect the President to conclude that a hotted up GOP base trounces a hotted up Democratic base? Ditto for NH, where there are more registered Republicans than Democrats?
I actually feel bad for him, though. This is the "logic" that the Kerry campaign is spouting to "explain" Bush's travel schedule. They are clearly spinning, i.e. putting an interpretation on events that they personally do not believe and doing so solely for the sake of public consumption. Thomas Oliphant is the kind of guy who buys the spin. There are lots of people like that on the right, but Oliphant is one of those guys on the left...and I think that is just sad. To paraphrase my brother, he is gonna be one surprised little monkey on 11-3-04.

9. Programming note: later today I will post an analytical piece on the GOP GOTV efforts. It shall be done as a way to answer the question, "Does Bush know something we don't know about OH?" in the affirmative.
jaycost.blogspot.com



To: LindyBill who wrote (80939)10/26/2004 4:08:45 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793899
 
Surprise, surprise!

WHY I AM SUPPORTING JOHN KERRY.
Risk Management
by Andrew Sullivan
Only at TNR Online

The phrase "lesser of two evils" often comes up at this time every four years, but this November, I think, it's too cynical a formula. Neither George W. Bush nor John Kerry can be credibly described as "evils." They have their faults, some of which are glaring. They are both second-tier politicians, thrust into the spotlight at a time when we desperately need those in the first circle of talent and vision. But they are not evil. When the papers carry pictures of 50 Iraqi recruits gunned down in a serried row, as Stalin and Hitler did to their enemies, we need have no doubt where the true evil lies. The question before us, first and foremost, is which candidate is best suited to confront this evil in the next four years. In other words: Who is the lesser of two risks?

Any reelection starts with the incumbent. Bush has had some notable achievements. He was right to cut taxes as the economy headed toward recession; he was right to push for strong federal standards for education; he was right to respond to September 11 by deposing the Taliban; he was right to alert the world to the unknown dangers, in the age of Al Qaeda, of Saddam Hussein's Iraq. He is still right that democratization is the only ultimate security in an age of Jihadist terror. And when you see women bravely exercising their right to vote in Afghanistan, you are seeing something that would not have happened without our current president. That moral achievement can never be taken away from him.

Equally, his presidency can and should be judged on its most fateful decision: to go to war against Iraq without final U.N. approval on the basis of Saddam's stockpiles of weapons and his violation of countless U.N. resolutions. I still believe that his decision was the right one. The only reason we know that Saddam was indeed bereft of such weaponry is because we removed him; we were going to have to deal with the crumbling mafia-run state in the heart of the Middle East at some point; and the objections of the French and Germans and Russians were a function primarily of mischief and corruption. And what we discovered in Iraq--from mass graves to children's prisons to the devastating effect of sanctions on the lives of ordinary Iraqis--only solidifies the moral case for removing the tyrant. The scandal of the U.N. oil-for-food program seals the argument.





At the same time, the collapse of the casus belli and the incompetent conduct of the war since the liberation point in an opposite direction. If you are going to do what the Bush administration did in putting all your chips on one big gamble; if you are going to send your secretary of state to the United Nations claiming solid "proof" of Saddam's WMDs; if you are going to engage in a major war of liberation without the cover of international consensus--then you'd better well get all your ducks in a row.

Bush--amazingly--didn't. The lack of stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq remains one of the biggest blows to America's international credibility in a generation. The failure to anticipate an insurgency against the coalition remains one of the biggest military miscalculations since Vietnam. And the refusal to send more troops both at the beginning and throughout the occupation remains one of the most pig-headed acts of hubris since the McNamara era. I'm amazed that more war advocates aren't incensed by this mishandling of such critical matters. But even a Bush-supporter, like my friend, Christopher Hitchens, has termed it "near-impeachable" incompetence.

I would add one more thing: Abu Ghraib. In one gut-wrenching moment, the moral integrity of the war was delivered an almost fatal blow. To be involved in such a vital struggle and through a mixture of negligence and arrogance to have facilitated such a fantastic propaganda victory for the enemy is just unforgivable. In a matter of months, the Bush administration lost its casus belli and its moral authority. Could it have run a worse war?

Domestically, the record is horrifying for a fiscal conservative. Ronald Reagan raised taxes in his first term when he had to; and he didn't have September 11 to contend with. Ronald Reagan also cut domestic spending. Bush has been unable to muster the conservative courage to do either. He has spent like a drunken liberal Democrat. He has failed to grapple with entitlement reform, as he once promised. He has larded up the tax code with endless breaks for corporate special interests; pork has metastasized; and he has tainted the cause of tax relief by concentrating too much of it on the wealthy. He has made the future boomer fiscal crunch far more acute by adding a hugely expensive new Medicare prescription drug entitlement.

He ran for election as a social moderate. But every single question in domestic social policy has been resolved to favor the hard-core religious right. His proposal to amend the constitution to deny an entire minority equal rights under the law is one of the most extreme, unnecessary, and divisive measures ever proposed in this country. And his response to all criticism--to duck the hardest questions, to reflexively redirect attention to the flaws of his opponents, and to stay within the confines of his own self-reinforcing coterie--has made him singularly unable to adjust, to learn from mistakes, to adapt to a fast-changing world. In peacetime, that's regrettable. In wartime, it's dangerous.

I know few people enthused about John Kerry. His record is undistinguished, and where it stands out, mainly regrettable. He intuitively believes that if a problem exists, it is the government's job to fix it. He has far too much faith in international institutions, like the corrupt and feckless United Nations, in the tasks of global management. He got the Cold War wrong. He got the first Gulf War wrong. His campaign's constant and excruciating repositioning on the war against Saddam have been disconcerting, to say the least. I completely understand those who look at this man's record and deduce that he is simply unfit to fight a war for our survival. They have an important point--about what we know historically of his character and his judgment when this country has faced dire enemies. His scars from the Vietnam War lasted too long and have gone too deep to believe that he has clearly overcome the syndrome that fears American power rather than understands how to wield it for good.

So we have two risks. We have the risk of continuing with a presidency of palpable incompetence and rigidity. And we have the risk of embarking on a new administration with a man whose record as a legislator inspires little confidence in his capacity to rise to the challenges ahead. Which is the greater one?

The answer to that lies in an assessment of the future. We cannot know it; we can merely guess. My best judgment of what we will face is the following: a long and difficult insurgency on Iraq; an Iran on the brink of a nuclear capacity; a North Korea able to distract the United States at a moment's notice from the crisis in the Middle East; and an immensely complicated and difficult task of nation-building in Afghanistan and Iraq. At home, we face a fiscal crisis of growing proportions--one that, if left alone, will destroy our future capacity to wage the war for our own survival.

Which candidate is best suited for this unappetizing ordeal? In Iraq and Afghanistan, the Bush administration has shown itself impatient with and untalented at nation-building. Moreover, the toll of the war has left the United States with minimal international support, one important ingredient for the successful rebuilding of nations. If Bush is reelected, even Britain will likely shift toward withdrawal in Iraq, compounding American isolation there and making it even harder for a new Iraqi government to gain legitimacy. In the essential tasks of building support for greater international help in Iraq--financially, militarily, diplomatically--Kerry is the better choice. No, other countries cannot bail us out or even contribute much in the way of an effective military presence. But within Iraq, the impact of a more international stamp on the occupation and on the elections could help us win the battle for the hearts and minds of Iraqis. That battle--as much as the one on the battlefield itself--is crucial for success. I fear Bush is too polarizing, too controversial, too loathed a figure even within his own country, to pull this off.

The president says that he alone can act militarily when the danger is there; and Kerry is too weak for our current crisis. I disagree. The chance of a third forced regime change somewhere in the world in the next four years is extremely low. We don't even have the troops. Bush's comparative advantage--the ability to pull the trigger when others might balk--will be largely irrelevant. That doesn't mean it hasn't come in handy. Without Bush, Saddam would still be in power. But just because the president was suited to fight the war for the last four years doesn't mean he is suited to succeed at the more complicated and nuanced tasks of the next four. In fact, some of the very virtues that made him suited to our past needs now make him all the more unsuited to our future ones. I am still glad he was president when we were attacked. But that doesn't mean he's the right leader for the years ahead. And one of the great benefits of being a democracy at war is that we can change leaders and tactics to advance the same goals. Dictatorships are stuck with the same guy--with all his weaknesses and all the hubris that comes from running successful wars, hubris that almost always leads to fatal errors, hubris that isn't restricted to tyrants.

Does Kerry believe in this war? Skeptics say he doesn't. They don't believe he has understood the significance of September 11. They rightly point to the antiwar and anti-Western attitudes of some in his base--the Michael Moores and Noam Chomskys who will celebrate a Kerry victory. I understand their worries. But they should listen to what Kerry has said. The convention was a remarkable event in that it pivoted the Democratic Party toward an uncomplicated embrace of the war on terror. Kerry has said again and again that he will not hesitate to defend this country and go on the offensive against Al Qaeda. I see no reason whatsoever why he shouldn't. What is there to gain from failure in this task? He knows that if he lets his guard down and if terrorists strike or succeed anywhere, he runs the risk of discrediting the Democrats as a party of national security for a generation. He has said quite clearly that he will not "cut and run" in Iraq. And the truth is: He cannot. There is no alternative to seeing the war through in Iraq. And Kerry's new mandate and fresh administration will increase the options available to us for winning. He has every incentive to be tough enough but far more leeway to be flexible than the incumbent.

Besides, the Democratic Party needs to be forced to take responsibility for the security of the country that is as much theirs as anyone's. The greatest weakness of the war effort so far has been the way it has become a partisan affair. This is the fault of both sides: the Rove-like opportunists on the right and the Moore-like haters on the left. But in wartime, a president bears the greater responsibility for keeping the country united. And this president has fundamentally failed in this respect. I want this war to be as bipartisan as the cold war, to bring both parties to the supreme task in front of us, to offer differing tactics and arguments and personnel in pursuit of the same cause. This is not, should not be, and one day cannot be, Bush's war. And the more it is, the more America loses, and our enemies gain.

Does Kerry believe in the power of freedom enough to bring Iraq into a democratic future? I don't know. It's my major concern with him. At the same time, it's delusional to believe that democracy can take root overnight in Iraq; and a little more humility in the face of enormous cultural difference does not strike me as unwarranted at this juncture. Besides, Kerry has endorsed democracy as a goal in Iraq and Afghanistan; he has a better grasp of the dangers of nuclear proliferation than Bush; he is tougher on the Saudis; his very election would transform the international atmosphere. What Bush isn't good at is magnanimity. But a little magnanimity and even humility in global affairs right now wouldn't do the United States a huge amount of harm.

Domestically, Kerry is clearly Bush's fiscal superior. At least he acknowledges the existence of a fiscal problem, which this president cannot. In terms of the Supreme Court, I have far more confidence in Kerry's picks than Bush's. In 2000, Bush promised moderate, able judges; for the last four years, he has often selected rigid, ideological mediocrities. Obviously, Kerry's stand against a constitutional amendment to target gay citizens is also a critical factor for me, as a gay man. But I hope it is also a factor for straight men and women, people who may even differ on the issue of marriage, but see the appalling damage a constitutional amendment would do to the social fabric, and the Constitution itself. Kerry will also almost certainly face a Republican House, curtailing his worst liberal tendencies, especially in fiscal matters. Perhaps it will take a Democratic president to ratchet the Republican Party back to its fiscally responsible legacy. I'll take what I can get.

And when you think of what is happening in the two major parties, the case for a Kerry presidency strengthens. If Bush wins, the religious right, already dominant in Republican circles, will move the GOP even further toward becoming a sectarian, religious grouping. If Kerry loses, the antiwar left will move the party back into the purist, hate-filled wilderness, ceding untrammeled power to a resurgent, religious Republicanism--a development that will prove as polarizing abroad as it is divisive at home. But if Bush loses, the fight to recapture Republicanism from Big Government moralism will be given new energy; and if Kerry wins, the center of the Democratic party will gain new life. That, at least, is the hope. We cannot know for sure.

But, in every election, we decide on unknowables. When I read my endorsement of George W. Bush of four years ago, I see almost no inkling of what was about to happen and the kind of president Bush turned out to be. But we do the best we can in elections, with limited information and fallible judgment. I should reiterate: I do not hate this president. I admire him in many ways--his tenacity, his vision of democracy, his humor, his faith. I have supported him more than strongly in the last four years--and, perhaps, when the dangers seemed so grave, I went overboard and willfully overlooked his faults because he was the president and the country was in danger. I was also guilty of minimizing the dangers of invading Iraq and placed too much faith, perhaps, in the powers of the American military machine and competence of the Bush administration. Writers bear some responsibility too for making mistakes; and I take mine. But they bear a greater responsibility if they do not acknowledge them and learn. And it is simply foolish to ignore what we have found out this past year about Bush's obvious limits, his glaring failures, his fundamental weakness as a leader. I fear he is out of his depth and exhausted. I simply do not have confidence in him to navigate the waters ahead skillfully enough to avoid or survive the darkening clouds on the horizon.

Kerry? I cannot know for sure. But in a democracy, you sometimes have to have faith that a new leader will be able to absorb the achievements of his predecessor and help mend his failures. Kerry has actually been much more impressive in the latter stages of this campaign than I expected. He has exuded a calm and a steadiness that reassures. He is right about our need for more allies, more prudence, and more tactical discrimination in the war we are waging. I cannot say I have perfect confidence in him, or that I support him without reservations. But not to support anyone in this dangerous time is a cop-out. So give him a chance. In picking the lesser of two risks, we can also do something less dispiriting. We can decide to pick the greater of two hopes. And even in these dour days, it is only American to hope.

Andrew Sullivan is a senior editor at TNR.