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Politics : Don't Blame Me, I Voted For Kerry -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 12:52:55 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Minnesota Poll: Kerry takes 49%-41% lead over Bush

startribune.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 12:57:01 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
The BEST lines for the last days: USE THEM EVERYWHERE!!!

Richard Dreyfuss's comment:

"Senator Kerry will win this election thanks to the republicans themselves that will disassociate themselves from Bush because Bush is not a republican"

and Bill Clinton's lines: in New Mexico with Kerry's wife a few hours ago...He made a compelling arguement with just a few facts:

1 John Kerry is the only candidate who wants to increase the military by 40,000 troops.

2. John Kerry is the only candidate who wants to put back the funding for a cops program which Bush cut.

3. John Kerry is the only candidate who wants to train more special forces so we don't have to outsource the job of catching Ossama Bin Laden to war lords.

4. John Kerry is the only candidate who wnats to fund inspecting cargo and cargo containers that come into our ports.

President Bill Clinton, " He is the ONLY Candidate that has a plan to fight terrorism and here is why...."

That part of the speech is all the commerical we need to play for the next two days.......it is Bill Clinton who needs to be on the Sunday talk shows...........that would be our October Surprise...think about the coverage from the major networks..even faux news would have to carry it or be left behind......Bill just created the No news channel left behind act...LOL.

Watch the Rally on C-span.



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 1:21:27 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Restore integrity and credibility to the white house!

Kerry is the WAY!

Minnesota for Kerry! Iowa is certainly not far behind, along with Wisconsin. Bush's mouthpieces can't cover the ground that they are losing fast enough. Every time they leave one state to try to shore up another, they lose more ground. It's like Dick Cheney trying to walk in the wrong direction on the moving walk-way in an airport without having a heart attack. It's like the little Dutch boy running out of fingers to plug the holes in the dike. Any more metaphors?



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 1:42:02 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Maybe Kerry or Clinton should make a trip to Missouri...Some folks think John Kerry can actually WIN this state...fyi...

_________________________

Toes to the Pavement

[Blogger toes spent today doing what a lot of you are doing: hitting the pavement to GOTV. ]

I'm exhausted after a day of canvassing and phoning. I plan to phone to some other swing states tomorrow and Monday.

I think that we have a chance here in Missouri on Tuesday. There were 250-300 canvassers at one location with me this morning with more coming in as I left. There were several other canvassing locations in the area doing the same thing.

Former Senator Jean Carnahan fired up the crowd before we left. You may remember that her late husband was killed in a plane crash two weeks before the 2000 election while running against Saint John Ashcroft for the U.S. Senate. Missouri voted for Mel Carnahan against Ashcroft even though he was deceased.

Senator Carnahan took his seat in the Senate and was defeated for reelection in a nasty race two years ago. Now her son is running for Congress in the 3rd District (Gephardt's seat) and her daughter is running for Missouri Secretary of State.

Jean Carnahan's theme is 'DON'T LET THE FIRE GO OUT", good advice for all of us this weekend.

BTW, canvassing this morning I saw numerous K/E signs in places where I should not see them. I also ran into K/E signs in yards that had not been previously indentified as supporters in previous canvassing efforts.

It's time for determined and uncompromising courage and commitment to our cause. We can do this.

Posted by DickBell on October 30, 2004 at 08:44 PM
____________



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 1:05:40 AM
From: stockman_scottRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 81568
 
Memo to Kerry: Don't let Osama steal your thunder

_______________________

Keep going after Bush, the way the president should have pursued bin Laden at Tora Bora.

- - - - - - - - - - - -

By Joan Walsh
Salon.com
Oct. 29, 2004
salon.com

Sure, paranoid liberals have worried for months that Osama bin Laden would be the October surprise in this presidential election. But it was supposed to be a captive Osama, dragged in chains to Crawford, Texas, shorn and humbled like Saddam after being extracted from his spider hole. What to make of swaggering Osama in his golden robes, hectoring President Bush about his behavior the morning of 9/11, warning Americans of more terror to come just four days before the election?

I watched excerpts of the video with a sinking feeling, at first, that Video Osama could help Bush almost as much as an Osama in an orange jumpsuit. Like most Americans, I hate even looking at him. He brings out my patriotic fury. I can't stand the idea of the Saudi fascist trying to shame Bush with a garbled version of the president's "The Pet Goat" moment, when the president continued listening to a child read that apparently riveting story after learning that the second tower had been hit. (Osama clearly hasn't had time to rent "Fahrenheit 9/11" to get the accurate version of what happened.) Even though I still wonder why Bush stayed in that classroom, hearing bin Laden taunt him with the memory of the people trapped in those towers, people whose murders he now admits to planning, is revolting.

Clearly bin Laden's appearance can help Bush by bringing back the horror of that September morning, by making swing-state voters angry at the unprovoked attack on Americans and nostalgic for the leadership Bush showed briefly in its aftermath -- after a wandering Air Force One finally brought him back to the White House. But the al-Qaida leader could help Bush even more if his emergence rattles John Kerry in these closing days of the campaign, and brings back the tentative, cautious candidate-persona Kerry left behind with the debates.

After stumbling in the Swift boat summer, Kerry has made this a thrilling race in the last month because he finally found his voice, settled into his skin, and faced up to the fact that he had to confront the president directly for his terrible failures over the last four years. Struggling to defend his own early, complicated stance on Iraq -- especially in the face of the Bush camp's droning taunt of "flip-flopper" -- Kerry lost the momentum he had coming out of the Democratic convention. His delay in hitting back after the Swift boat smears hurt more. But in the days before the presidential debates he stiffened his spine and the American people began to see a new John Kerry -- sober, resolute and determined to fight back.

Kerry soared in the first debate when, ironically, given Friday's developments, he attacked Bush hard for letting Osama slip away after he'd been isolated in Tora Bora. "We had him surrounded, but we didn't use American forces, the best-trained in the world, to go kill him," Kerry said then. "The president relied on Afghan warlords that he outsourced that job to." Bush was on the ropes immediately. Kerry kept the line a staple of his message in the weeks afterward.

But on Friday, when Kerry issued a brief statement about bin Laden's reappearance to his press entourage on the tarmac in West Palm Beach, there was no message about Tora Bora. "In response to this tape from Osama bin Laden, let me make it clear, crystal clear. As Americans, we are absolutely united in our determination to hunt down and destroy Osama bin Laden and the terrorists. They are barbarians. And I will stop at absolutely nothing to hunt down, capture or kill the terrorists wherever they are, whatever it takes. Period."

An "unusually somber" Mike McCurry later told reporters, according to a pool report, that he didn't know yet whether Kerry would keep the Tora Bora line in future speeches. "I'm not going to talk about politics in connection to this," he said, adding, "We gave the reaction right now to you that he wanted to give."

I'm a huge Mike McCurry fan, and I understand why he's unusually somber, but I hope Kerry keeps the Tora Bora line -- and plenty more aggressive lines just like it -- in his speeches this weekend. Kerry can't win unless he reminds Americans why bin Laden is still around to taunt the president and threaten our safety. I was happy to see Kerry -- before his canned statement to the press corps -- use his Tora Bora thrust in a brief interview with a Wisconsin television station (broadcast on CNN). After the usual boilerplate about "all of us are completely united -- there's no such thing as Democrats and Republicans" in our disgust for bin Laden, he did add, "I regret that [Bush] didn't choose to use American forces" to capture bin Laden, but instead "outsourced the job to Afghan warlords in Tora Bora."

Kerry's been on a roll in the last month. His appearances with Bruce Springsteen Thursday were the high point of the campaign. If I were a really paranoid liberal, I'd say Karl Rove shipped the Osama tape to al-Jazeera yesterday just as the Kerry campaign peaked, with American icon Springsteen giving one of the best political speeches I've ever seen, praising Kerry as a fighter for the people and ideals the singer has sung about for 30 years.

"He's shown us, starting as a young man, that by facing America's hard truths, both the good and the bad, that's where we find a deeper patriotism," said Springsteen of Kerry. "That's where we find the power that is embedded only in truth to make our world a better and safer place."

Kerry has to help Americans face yet another hard truth: That we're led by a president who has mired us in nightmarish war and doesn't know how to make us safer. And before the ruthless and desperate Bush campaign can use the bin Laden tape to sow more panic among the American people -- the only way it can scratch out a victory on Tuesday -- Kerry must use the sinister video as one more exhibit in the case he has been forcefully making for Bush's incompetence.

It was fine for Kerry to sound a "we're all Americans at times like these" note, at least in his initial public reaction. But if he keeps singing it, he's in trouble, because that's Bush's song. Americans want reassurance that Kerry will be a forceful commander in chief. There is no better way to do that in these last days of the campaign than by going after the current, hapless commander in chief. "The country we carry in our hearts is waiting," as Springsteen told us. But we won't get it if Kerry doesn't fight for it.

- - - - - - - - - - - -

About the writer:
Joan Walsh is Salon's managing editor.



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 1:36:13 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Lots of predictions are out there...I like this one...;-)

siliconinvestor.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 2:47:27 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Focus Narrowing as Close Contest Nears Finish Line
________________________

By R. W. APPLE Jr.
The New York Times
October 31, 2004
nytimes.com

CLEVELAND - The 2004 presidential campaign is ending as it began, focused with blazing intensity on no more than a dozen hard-fought states, with the tinglingly close contest between President Bush and Senator John Kerry depending most, both parties agree, on three pivotal states: Florida, Pennsylvania and Ohio.

The candidates have invested tens of millions of dollars on advertising there, deployed armies of field workers and spent hundreds of hours on the stump, including visits in the race's final weekend. With the furor over a new Osama bin Laden tape filtering through the campaigns, both men crossed through Midwestern swing states on Saturday and are to appear in Florida on Sunday.

As a result, cities like Orlando, Pittsburgh and Columbus, and their suburbs, have watched the struggle from close range while Chicago, Dallas, New York and Los Angeles have squinted at it from bleacher seats.

In the end, the outcome is likely to be decided by what political pros call "the ground war": the effort by both parties to get every supporter to the polls on Tuesday. Although there are almost limitless ways either candidate could reach the magic number of 270 electoral votes needed to win, whoever wins two of the big three states would have an advantage that would be difficult to overcome.

With only 72 hours until the polls begin opening, Pennsylvania, with 21 electoral votes, appeared to be trending Mr. Kerry's way, with most but not all opinion surveys showing him ahead by about three percentage points. Mr. Bush has failed to dent the four suburban Philadelphia counties, whose liberal attitudes on social issues like abortion and gun control have overshadowed their economic conservatism.

Florida, with 27 electoral votes, was agonizingly close four years ago, with far-reaching consequences, and it is the hardest of the big states to read this year. If anyone holds an advantage, it is probably Mr. Bush, if only because of the influence of his brother Jeb, the governor. But the Democrats, energized by the sting of their agonizing defeat in 2000, seem to be benefiting more from the outpouring of early voters.

Here in Ohio, which has 20 electoral votes, Mr. Kerry has capitalized on job losses during the Bush administration. He seems to hold a tenuous lead as volunteers from both parties pour into the state, often seen as a microcosm of the nation, to get out the vote. He has taken to carrying a lucky buckeye in his pocket. No Republican has ever been elected president without carrying Ohio, and the state has gone with the winner in all but two elections since 1892.

"It's as close as it could conceivably be," said Eric Rademacher, who directs the University of Cincinnati's Ohio Poll. "Closer than I've ever seen before. Close here and several other states. We may not know the outcome until mid-November."

Searching for ways to salvage a victory even if beaten in the big shows, both Mr. Kerry and Mr. Bush belatedly began wooing the voters of Michigan (17 electoral votes). A win there could very nearly make up for a loss in Ohio. They have also intensified their pursuit of a troika of smaller Midwestern states that Al Gore won by narrow margins in 2000: Minnesota and Wisconsin (10 each) and Iowa (7). All three are treacherously close this time, with Ralph Nader a real threat to Mr. Kerry in Minnesota, a state notably fond of third-party candidates.

Colorado (9), New Mexico and Nevada (5 each) and New Hampshire (4) are all in play as well, with the potential of contributing to a winning equation.

A series of hairbreadth finishes could plunge the nation into treacherous straits, with lawsuits in multiple states, a far more complex prospect than the legal contest in 2000, which was confined to Florida. Several suits have already been filed. But the huge numbers of newly registered voters could confound all the forecasts.

Battleground-state previews by New York Times reporters follow.

Arkansas

LITTLE ROCK, Oct. 30 - Almost alone in the South, Arkansas has traditionally been a place where Democrats can win federal office. Even though President Bush carried the state in 2000 by five percentage points, both of its senators and all but one of its House members are Democrats.

"Until relatively recently Arkansas didn't have as big an influx of people from other parts of the country," said Andrew Dowdle, a political science professor at the University of Arkansas in Fayetteville, adding that white voters had not abandoned the Democratic Party as they had in other parts of the region. "Without the battle over race and without new voters coming in, the Republican Party never really had a chance to get the dominance that it got in some of the other states," Dr. Dowdle said.

But as more Republican voters have moved in, that balance has been shifting. Voters in the state, which Democrats refer to as a Southern oasis and Republicans label a place of weakening entrenchment, tend to reflect the more economically and socially conservative values espoused by Mr. Bush.

Several voters supporting Mr. Bush said they liked his commitment to low taxes and his opposition to abortion. Consultants and campaign officials say security is the most important issue in the state, which would also tend to help Mr. Bush, because many polls suggest most voters have more confidence in his ability to keep the country safe.

At the same time, aides to Senator John Kerry are seeing renewed opportunity, with a recent poll showing that he had pulled even with Mr. Bush. And with many Arkansans fighting in Iraq, political experts say, there has been intense news coverage of the rising casualties. That, coupled with mixed economic news and what polls suggested were strong debate performances, could be working to Mr. Kerry's advantage, they say.

Neither candidate has visited since the summer, but radio and television have suddenly been flooded with advertisements as the Republicans move to counter a late push by the Democrats. And the Kerry campaign is hoping that a visit by former President Bill Clinton on Sunday will spur turnout among core Democratic voters.

Indeed, each campaign says that turnout holds the key to victory. "Everybody says, 'Well, who's going to carry Arkansas?' " said Gov. Mike Huckabee, who is the state chairman of the Bush campaign. "The answer is whoever gets their voters out." — DIANE CARDWELL

Colorado

DENVER, Oct. 30 - The traditional recipe for cooking up a swing state does not fit Colorado.

There are no old urban manufacturing hubs stripped of blue-collar jobs as in Ohio or Wisconsin, no mix of immigrants and retirees as in Florida. Rural and suburban Republicans have securely dominated the party registration lists for decades, and unaffiliated voters tend to break to the right.

The state went for Bill Clinton in 1992 - but only because Ross Perot did so well.

Judging by the history and the numbers, political analysts say the odds have to favor President Bush on Tuesday despite the slipping of his lead. Several recent polls have Mr. Bush ahead by six percentage points, about half the margin it was a month ago.

What Mr. Kerry must base his hopes on in Colorado are the cumulative differences between this year and all others before it. Many of those differences are cryptic.

More than 262,000 new voters have registered since January, and Democrats estimate that about 75,000 of them are Hispanics, who make up a sixth of the state's population and who are expected to come out in record numbers for the Democratic candidate for the open United States Senate seat, Attorney General Ken Salazar.

Mr. Salazar, Colorado's only Hispanic statewide office holder, has led in most polls over his Republican rival, the beer magnate Peter H. Coors, but whether Mr. Salazar's popularity can extend to help Mr. Kerry is uncertain, analysts say.

As in most states, the war in Iraq and the economy preoccupy voters, but there are significant differences between Colorado and some other swing states on those points.

First, the military presence here is enormous, in installations like Fort Carson, the United States Air Force Academy and Norad, the North American Aerospace Defense Command. And the Vietnam generation - however that cuts in this election - is strongly represented. A higher proportion of Colorado's military veterans served during the Vietnam War than any state's except Alaska, according to the Census Bureau.

The economy, which boomed in the 1990's during the dot-com bubble, has sputtered for years. In the first half of this year, Colorado had the fastest rate of increase in consumer bankruptcies in the nation, according to Lundquist Consulting Inc., which tracks bankruptcy trends.

If Mr. Kerry does win here, it will not be a result of a final media blitz. His campaign cut much of its television advertising, at least in the Denver market, on Monday. But the Bush campaign is still pushing hard, station managers said. Mr. Bush has visited the state twice in just the last month, and Mr. Kerry has come to Colorado six times during the campaign. — KIRK JOHNSON

Florida

MIAMI, Oct. 30 - Florida remains intensely contested, with President Bush and Senator John Kerry drawing nearly equal support, both candidates still dashing through the state and wary voters gripped by anxiety.

About 1.5 million early and absentee votes have already been cast, suggesting that turnout among the 10.3 million registered voters could outpace that in 2000. Newspaper analyses have shown far more Democrats than Republicans casting early votes in person, many of them African-American.

The Kerry campaign has seized on residual anger from the state's recount in 2000, which gave Mr. Bush a victory margin of 537 votes. Democratic lawyers are pouring into the state to watch for voter intimidation or disenfranchisement. Republicans, meanwhile, say they may challenge the eligibility of some Democratic voters.

Polls show Mr. Bush and Mr. Kerry within a few percentage points in the state, though one, by The Los Angeles Times, showed Mr. Bush with an eight-point lead.

Mr. Bush benefits from Florida's economy, which has outperformed the nation's as a whole, and from the state's large military population, which appears to be leaning in his direction. He also has the advantage of his brother, the popular Gov. Jeb Bush, who has put aside his state duties for the last days of the campaign to focus on helping the president win Florida's 27 electoral votes.

But political strategists say Mr. Kerry could benefit from 1.5 million new voters, many of whom are independents and likely to vote Democratic. Many are Hispanic immigrants, including Cubans, who usually vote Republican but may shift to Mr. Kerry out of anger over Mr. Bush's Cuba policy.

Governor Bush will appear with the president at rallies in Miami, Gainesville and Tampa on Sunday, while Mr. Kerry, who made three stops here on Friday, will return Sunday for an event in Tampa. Vice President Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush's wife, Laura, and their twin daughters traveled the state last week, too, while former President Bill Clinton came on behalf of Mr. Kerry.

The Republicans have enlisted 90,000 volunteers to help make calls, knock on doors and drive voters to the polls. Democrats are largely leaving such work to independent groups like America Coming Together.

Civil rights groups are worried about possible challenges of voter eligibility, saying Secretary of State Glenda Hood, a Republican appointee of Governor Bush, has not done enough to prevent frivolous challenges.

Rights groups and Democratic politicians waged unsuccessful legal battles seeking printed receipts for voters who use touch-screen voting machines and fighting the disqualification of new voters who left information off their registration forms. — ABBY GOODNOUGH

Iowa

CEDAR RAPIDS, Oct. 30 - The state that propelled Senator John Kerry's presidential bid with a stunning victory in the caucuses last winter has all but lost its famed composure in recent days, rattled by the intensity with which Mr. Kerry and President Bush are now trying to win its seven electoral votes.

On Friday, under armed guard and police escort with flashing lights, the election auditor of Linn County, Linda Langenberg, moved 30,000 ballots already completed by early voters to the Cedar Rapids police headquarters for safekeeping until they are counted on Election Day. "Everyone is so worried," she explained. "We're trying to do everything we can to protect their ballots."

Iowa has backed Democrats for president since 1988, but former Vice President Al Gore won the state by just 4,000 votes in 2000 and recent polls show the presidential contest here virtually deadlocked.

The narrow contest has brought the state numerous last-minute visits by both major candidates and their high-profile supporters: former New York mayors Rudolph W. Giuliani and Edward I. Koch for Mr. Bush; the rock star Jon Bon Jovi for Mr. Kerry.

With their caucuses, Iowans are used to such national attention and take their voting seriously. In a measure of their devotion to voting, Ordinance 49.105 lets election officials have unruly voters arrested - but only after they get a chance to cast their ballots.

Iowa is a state with lots of small towns that are shrinking and cities that are maintaining their own but are being outdistanced by robust suburban areas with white-collar jobs like the insurance industry. There are extremely liberal enclaves in Iowa City and Ames. But Iowa also has a very strong fundamentalist Christian community that became very political in the 1980's.

"When you add it all up, the race is now 49 to 49 because these people, like the rest of the country, are in two pretty evenly divided political camps," said Steffen W. Schmidt, a professor of political science at Iowa State University.

Republican officials say they think they can hand Iowa to Mr. Bush through the state's farmers, and they are focusing on motivating rural voters. Democrats and their allied political advocacy groups are wooing rural residents as well, convinced that the economy and security will prompt them to vote for Mr. Kerry.

The biggest legal controversy so far - over whether to count the votes of people who go to the wrong precinct - was resolved Thursday with a ruling by the secretary of state that their votes will not be counted if the election is not close.

While some officials are predicting a record turnout of 1.4 million voters, a razor-thin finish remains a distinct possibility. As the Iowa pollster Ann Selzer observed, "If you just look at how the campaigns are treating Iowa, our measly little seven electoral votes will matter and everything will be under scrutiny." — MICHAEL MOSS

Michigan

Michigan was not even supposed to be in the game at this point, and there is some argument about whether it really is.

As recently as a month ago, it had been scratched off of most political strategists' list of battleground states, expected to do once again what it had done in the last three presidential elections - go Democratic.

But then President Bush visited twice this week, with Vice President Dick Cheney due today and Senator John Kerry tentatively scheduling a Detroit appearance tomorrow.

"Michigan has really turned out to be the battleground state that we all hoped it would be," the political consultant Craig Ruff told The Detroit Free Press. Or maybe not.

"At this point, I don't think you would want to put Michigan on a list of true battleground states," said Bill Ballenger, editor of Inside Michigan Politics, an influential newsletter. "Barring unforeseen occurrences in the final weekend, John Kerry should carry the state fairly easily."

Bush strategists say they would not have had the president back in Michigan if they did not see the chance to appeal to conservative blue-collar Democrats and wrest the state from Mr. Kerry.

Last summer, several polls were showing the state fairly evenly split between Bush and Kerry supporters, with a substantial block undecided. But by late August and early September, Mr. Kerry seemed to have assuaged the doubts of the state Democratic base and had crept ahead, a shift that accelerated drastically after the debates.

Then, on Oct. 21, The Detroit News published a tracking poll showing Mr. Bush ahead by 47 percent to 43 percent, with a large chunk of undecideds. Other polls also had the race tightening up, though none of them showed such a Bush lead.

It was enough, however, to embolden the Bush campaign to refocus on Michigan.

On Friday, The Detroit News published a fresh installment of the poll that had started it all, and it showed Mr. Kerry handily ahead again - 46 percent to 40 percent, with 11 percent still undecided. And the deeper one looked into the poll results, the better the news was for Mr. Kerry, who won every demographic group except those over 70.

Al Gore won Michigan four years ago by 217,279 votes, and Mr. Kerry has enjoyed the support of Gov. Jennifer M. Granholm, a Democrat popular with independents, who make up about a fifth of the population.

The biggest cluster of Michigan's Democrats is in the Detroit metropolitan area, though that city's political clout has waned in recent decades as the city has shrunk, now accounting for only 7 percent of the state's population.

Outside Detroit, in southwestern and northern Michigan, Republicans dominate.

"Michigan is a state that, depending on the political circumstances, could easily turn Republican again," Mr. Ballenger said. "But this year? I don't think so." — RICK LYMAN

Minnesota

MINNEAPOLIS, Oct. 30 - In a state that prides itself on being different, Democrats are starting to hear two words that many of them have been trying hard to forget: Ralph Nader.

Most polls show the two main presidential candidates running almost even in Minnesota, but when Mr. Nader's name is added to the mix, President Bush has a modest advantage over Senator John Kerry.

Minnesotans have a history of sympathy for independent and third-party candidates. With the state so closely divided, votes for Mr. Nader and other candidates could swing its 10 electoral votes to the Republicans.

Minnesota is a media center for the crucial region including Iowa and Wisconsin, and presidential candidates have been regular visitors. In the last week, both major-party candidates and both of their running mates have been here. So has Mr. Nader.

Surrogate campaigners have also been blanketing the state. Mr. Kerry may have the star-power edge, with Leonardo DiCaprio, Ashton Kutcher, Carole King and Garrison Keillor all appearing on his behalf in recent days. Republicans have had to be satisfied with Rudolph W. Giuliani, Senator Bill Frist and Mr. Bush's daughters.

Former Gov. Jesse Ventura, the state's best-known political independent, has broken his silence on the race with several speeches endorsing Mr. Kerry.

The factor that most strongly favors Republicans here is the growth of population in outer suburbs, where they are traditionally strong. Voting rolls in cities, close-in suburbs and the Iron Range, where Democrats hold an edge, have not grown as fast and in some cases have actually shrunk.

Minnesotans have voted for the Democratic candidate in every presidential election since 1976. If that happens again this year, analysts say, it may be because of three factors.

First is the Iraq war, which seemed to be equally beneficial to both candidates until the last few days. Debate over the missing cache of explosives at a depot near Baghdad has focused more attention on the issue. A second new factor here is the emergence of ethnic groups that are changing this state's complexion. The most politically active are the Hmong from Southeast Asia, who tend to vote Democratic.

Finally, in a state where people pride themselves on courtesy, respect and other qualities that they call "Minnesota Nice," the stridency of the campaign has grated on many voters. Some believe this could hurt Mr. Bush because of expectations that the incumbent should act more "presidential."

"Hard slamming and negative campaigning doesn't play well here," said Wyman Spano, an editor of the newsletter Politics in Minnesota. "Put that together with the explosives thing, and I see the race trending for Kerry. This state is moving in a generally Republican direction, but I think there will be a very high turnout. If there is, that will give Kerry the margin he needs." — STEPHEN KINZER

Nevada

LAS VEGAS, Oct. 30 - Amid persistent complaints of voting fraud, including charges that Democrats' registration forms were discarded by Republican-financed registrars, voters in Nevada went to the polls in record numbers during a two-week early-voting period that ended Friday.

Representatives of the major parties kept a close eye on how many of their members had voted, seeing the turnout as a sign of how their candidates were doing.

With the state's five electoral votes in play, nothing was being left to chance. On Friday afternoon, former President Bill Clinton, as part of his effort since undergoing heart surgery to help Senator John Kerry, spoke at the Clark County Government Center here.

Vice President Dick Cheney is scheduled to visit Reno, in northern Nevada, on Monday, for his seventh campaign trip to the state. Reno and surrounding Washoe County have traditionally leaned Republican, and Mr. Cheney's trip may indicate his party's concern about holding onto support there.

Mr. Kerry has been to the state seven times, most recently on Tuesday. President Bush has visited four times.

Elections officials predict that about 400,000 early and absentee ballots will have been cast in Nevada, and that another 400,000 voters will cast ballots Election Day.

With several hours of early voting still to go on Friday, spokesmen for both parties said they took comfort in the numbers.

"They look terrific for us," said Sean Smith, who works for the Kerry-Edwards campaign in Nevada. "The Democrats are outvoting Republicans by a sliver, but Democrats have never outvoted Republicans in Nevada. We're very encouraged."

Chris Carr, executive director of the state Republican Party, said the party's strength lay in rural areas, where most people would not vote until Tuesday, and not here in Clark County, where much of the Democratic bump was being felt.

In a Research 2000 poll conducted a week and a half ago for The Reno Gazette-Journal, Mr. Bush led Mr. Kerry 49 percent to 47 percent, a difference that fell within the poll's margin of sampling error of four percentage points.

Both parties have worked to register new voters, with some Republicans drawing particularly strong allegations of fraud. They include charges that workers for at least one organization, Voters Outreach of America, financed by the Republican National Committee, had discarded voter registration forms filed by Democratic voters.

On Thursday, Secretary of State Dean Heller said that an investigation had found no evidence of organized fraud, although he said there had been some instances in which "some of the individuals involved in collecting voter registrations were forging documents with fictitious names and addresses for personal gain." — NICK MADIGAN

New Hampshire

New Hampshire used to be reliably Republican when it came to presidential elections. Now it is reliably unreliable.

With a large influx into southern New Hampshire of people from Massachusetts and elsewhere, the state's block of independent voters has grown steadily. Bill Clinton won there in 1992 and 1996, and many voters now are ticket splitters, fiscally conservative and socially liberal.

In 2000, George W. Bush lost the Republican primary to John McCain, then eked out a victory in the general election, winning by just 7,211 votes. Ralph Nader, who garnered 22,000 votes, was a decisive factor in Al Gore's loss. Republicans and Democrats here like to say that if Mr. Gore had managed to capture the state, the electoral dispute in Florida would have been irrelevant.

This time, polls are showing a slight edge for Senator John Kerry, but veteran political observers warn against taking those numbers too seriously.

"It's still a Republican-leaning state, so it's tough to tell," said Dick Bennett, president of the American Research Group, a polling group in Manchester.

New Hampshire, being a neighbor of Massachusetts, knows Mr. Kerry better than some other parts of the country, a fact that is a mixed blessing, said Jeanne Shaheen, the former governor of New Hampshire and a national chairwoman of the Kerry campaign. "The negative part of that is that New Hampshire and Massachusetts have historically had a rivalry," Ms. Shaheen said.

But Mr. Bush, as his 2000 showing suggests, has not been a particular favorite here, so independents are not expected to shower him with support.

Mr. Bush held rallies on Friday in Manchester and Portsmouth, major cities in the populous southern tier of the state. Mr. Kerry will be at a rally Sunday in Manchester.

But officials of both parties say any successes on Election Day will have their roots in campaign efforts that began much earlier than usual.

"We knew it was absolutely going to be this close again," said Jayne Millerick, chairwoman of the state Republican Party. "Whereas before we might have done these activities a couple of months before the election - knocking on doors, sending welcome card to new homeowners, making telephone calls - we started doing them several months before."

Ms. Millerick said, "Our-get-out-the-vote efforts are probably five or six times larger than usual," with several thousand volunteers, who, among other things, will offer voters rides to polling places and knock on doors on Election Day to remind people to vote. Democrats have planned a large get-out-the-vote effort as well.

In her home county, Strafford, Ms. Shaheen said, nearly 300 volunteers turned out for a recent get-out-the-vote organizing meeting, "more people than I've ever seen." — PAM BELLUCK

New Mexico

When asked to sum up the mood of New Mexico in these final days before Election Day, Denise Lamb, the director of elections for the state, put it this way: "The voters are jittery, the lawyers are hostile and the election workers are more exhausted than they've ever been."

Campaign fatigue is settling over a state that, by now, has endured a level of political courtship - from both the Bush and Kerry campaigns - that seems incommensurate with its modest electoral dowry of five. Legions of party faithful have poured into the state over the last eight months in an effort to rally and to sway New Mexico's mixture of Hispanic, white and American Indian voters with television commercials, billboards, telephone calls, celebrity appearances, door-to-door canvassing and stump speeches. Senator John Kerry rolled through Las Cruces last Saturday, followed by President Bush, who came to Alamogordo on Sunday. Not to be outdone, Mr. Kerry returned on Tuesday, addressing crowds at Albuquerque's Civic Plaza.

Part of the interest in New Mexico can be attributed to the state's large Hispanic population - 42 percent of its 1.8 million people.

"Necesito su voto," Mr. Kerry told crowds here, in awkward Spanish, on Tuesday: "Necesito su ayuda. I need your vote. I need your help."

But the simpler truth is this: In an election where every electoral vote may be crucial, both parties see in New Mexico a population up for grabs.

That point is not immediately apparent, given that registered Democrats outnumber Republicans by almost 200,000. But New Mexico's voting population is fiercely independent, with complex allegiances tied up not just in race or ethnicity but also in finer splinters of heritage, faith and geography.

Some Hispanics proudly trace their roots to 17th-century Spanish conquistadors, for instance, while others to more recent arrivals from Latin America. The smaller towns of the north are traditional Democratic strongholds, while the oil patches of the southeast - sometimes called Little Texas - tend to be Republican.

But a stubborn 15 percent of registered voters indicate no party preference. Four years ago, Al Gore won the state by just 366 votes. This year, the polls have undulated only slightly, but the gap has almost never exceeded the margin of error.

And the campaigns know it. "Ads are still saturating the airwaves," said Brian Sanderoff of Research and Polling Inc. of Albuquerque. "It's going to go down to the wire." — TOM ZELLER

Ohio

COLUMBUS, Ohio, Oct. 30 - Four years ago, Ohio was not in play in the presidential sweepstakes, seeming so solidly Republican that Vice President Al Gore's campaign pulled up stakes weeks before Election Day.

This year, it matters. On Tuesday, millions of Ohioans will go to the polls convinced their votes could decide the entire race. And they might be right.

The state and its 20 electoral votes are nothing short of crucial for both President Bush and Senator John Kerry, and polls show the race to be airtight. For Mr. Bush, no Republican has ever won a presidential election without carrying Ohio. For Mr. Kerry, Ohio may represent the best chance to take a major state away from Mr. Bush's 2000 victory column, analysts say.

The reason comes down to simple economics: Ohio, where Republicans dominate every branch of state government, is flirting with a Democratic candidate because the state has been ravaged by job losses - more than 200,000 since Mr. Bush took office. Without those layoffs, strategists in both major parties agree, Mr. Bush would probably be comfortably ahead.

Results of most polls are within the margin of error, and all sides agree the race is too close to call - close enough that the two parties have marshaled battalions of lawyers both to watch for Election Day fraud or intimidation and to prepare post-election litigation in case the margin is razor-thin. (Ohio law requires an automatic recount if the margin is less than 0.25 percent).

Already, the two parties have been tying each other up in legal knots. The Republicans have challenged 35,000 new registrations, but Democrats succeeded in having a federal judge block most of the challenges.

The Republicans also plan to have more than 3,600 people ready to challenge voters inside polling places on Election Day. Democrats in two counties have asked federal judges to prohibit those challenges, and rulings are expected by Monday.

With the election so close and so much at stake, the candidates have been crisscrossing the state in recent weeks. Mr. Kerry was in Ohio seven times this month, with plans to close his campaign with a rally in Cleveland on Monday. Mr. Bush has been here five times, with plans to spend Sunday and Monday in Cincinnati.

Both parties have also mounted what they contend are their largest get-out-the-vote operations in their histories here. For Republicans, that has meant mustering 80,000 volunteers, nearly four times what they had in 2000. Their focus will be on Republican strongholds in the rural west, around Cincinnati and in the Columbus suburbs.

Democrats and allied groups like Americans Coming Together say they have more than 100,000 volunteers working to turn out voters in the cities and throughout the industrial northeast. — JAMES DAO

Pennsylvania

PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 30 - Senator John Kerry's sharpened criticisms of the war in Iraq helped tilt Pennsylvania polls toward him in the last several weeks - one had him up by 8 points - and some Democrats started whispering that Mr. Bush had ceded the state's 21 Electoral College votes.

But recent polls have put the race at a tie again; one gave Mr. Bush a slight lead. And with two visits to the state in the last week, the president has made clear that he has no intention of giving up the fight.

Mr. Kerry himself has visited Pennsylvania four times in October alone, including one stop for a rousing rally alongside former President Bill Clinton, who was making his first campaign appearance after quadruple bypass surgery.

Polls have consistently shown that domestic security is the deciding issue for the biggest chunk of voters in this state - 26 percent, according to the latest Keystone Poll, this week- and that Mr. Bush wins on that score. But Mr. Kerry wins on the next two biggest issues: the economy and Iraq.

A record surge in new voter registrations this year has given the Democrats an edge of about 500,000 voters; 260,000 new Democrats have registered since the primary in April, and 156,000 new Republicans.

Mr. Kerry is expected to win Philadelphia and Pittsburgh; Mr. Bush is counting on the more rural center of the state. The true battlegrounds are the four suburban counties outside Philadelphia, where voters tend to register Republican but where moderates have tilted the state toward Democrats in presidential races since 1988, when Mr. Bush's father won there and statewide.

In these suburbs, Mr. Bush has tried to appeal to voters on issues like medical malpractice, as many obstetricians have left the state in recent years. Mr. Kerry has sought to appeal to moderates with issues like stem cell research and abortion rights.

Another crucial area is the southwest, where the economy has long been tied to big steel. Since the New Deal these counties have been staunchly Democratic. But many in this blue-collar region are culturally conservative.

But Republicans and Democrats alike say the biggest tangles on Election Day will be challenges to the registrations of all the new voters, especially in Philadelphia. Democrats criticized John Perzel, the Republican speaker of the Pennsylvania House, for saying that his strategy was to keep the numbers down in Philadelphia. He insisted that did not mean challenging minority voters, as the Democrats suggested, but encouraging Republicans to vote. — KATE ZERNIKE

Wisconsin

MILWAUKEE, Oct. 30 - Mike Wittenwyler is a Democratic lawyer who specializes in campaign finance, and he spends every day talking to people involved in Wisconsin politics. "The bottom line," Mr. Wittenwyler said this week, "is that I can't get a sense from the people who should know what they think is going to happen here on Tuesday. And that tells me it's going to come down to a battle of the get-out-the-vote operations."

President Bush has visited Wisconsin 12 times since the primaries. Senator John Kerry has been here 11 times. Their running mates have been here six times each. And on Friday, both campaigns announced that their presidential candidates would hold rallies in downtown Milwaukee on Monday.

"It's gotten to the point where these guys are going to places so out of the way that even a U.S. Senate candidate wouldn't visit them," said Brady Williamson, a Democratic lawyer who specializes in election law.

Television advertising is incessant and increasingly nasty. Radio, said Ken Goldstein, a political science professor at the University of Wisconsin in Madison, "is even worse."

Passions are so high and the race seems so close that Wisconsin officials are beginning to worry that the state will wake up Wednesday as the Florida of 2004 - a postelection battleground of lawyers and mudslinging.

As recently as three weeks ago, with polls showing Mr. Bush holding a small but steady lead over Mr. Kerry, Republican strategists frequently cited Wisconsin as the party's best chance at winning a swing state that went to the Democrats in 2000, when Al Gore won its 10 electoral votes by just 5,700 votes. Two polls this week, though, showed Mr. Kerry holding a one- or two-point lead.

The main battle is in the state's southeast corner, where the bulk of the population resides. Milwaukee, by far the largest city, often votes 65 percent or more Democratic, especially in its black and Hispanic neighborhoods. But the ring of counties around the city vote even more overwhelmingly Republican, sometimes 70 percent or more.

Dane County, to the west, is home to Madison and is overwhelmingly Democratic.

Taken together, these areas tend to cancel one another out, leaving it to the rest of the state, largely rural, to break the tie.

The two critical swing areas are in far western counties like La Crosse, Eau Claire and St. Croix, an area that has largely become bedroom communities for Minneapolis-St. Paul, and in the Fox River Valley, stretching southwest from Green Bay to Winnebago County.

La Crosse, which Mr. Bush visited Tuesday, went narrowly Democratic in 2000. Republicans then scolded themselves for paying too little attention to rural Wisconsin.

The Fox River Valley went Republican in 2000, but barely, and a strong turnout in normally Democratic Green Bay could shift it back into Democratic hands this year.

Turnout is always strong in Wisconsin - 58 percent in 1996 and 69 percent in 2000 - partly because it is one of a handful of states that allow people to register at their polling site on Election Day. That flexibility has led both parties to have armies of lawyers ready to monitor the voting for shenanigans. — RICK LYMAN



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 3:09:35 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Transcript of Greenberg, Devine, Donilon, Lockhart Call (1/2)

___________________________________________

Politics - U.S. Newswire Press Releases

To: National Desk, Political Reporter

Contact: Chad Clanton or Phil Singer, 202-464-2800, both of Kerry-Edwards 2004

WASHINGTON, Oct. 30 /U.S. Newswire/ -- Following is a transcript of a conference call with Greenberg, Devine, Donilon and Lockhart:

Opening Statements

Saturday, October 30, 2004

GREENBERG: Ok, I'm going to talk about the Democracy Corps polling, but I also want to talk about the public polls this week and the public polls that have come out today. Because I think it's very important that we understand where the race is, as we get into final weekend and the final days, particularly where there are serious events taking place in the world. There is a temptation, I think, to jump on individual polls, but not look at the overall - the totality of it - and have understand what's going on.

First of all, it's very clear looking at Democracy Corps polling and public polling, that we're looking at remarkably stable race - a remarkably dead heat race - that's true this week, that's true this Saturday, nothing that we've looked at up until now has changed the character of this race

Bush is stuck at somewhere between 47 and 48 percent in the polling, 47 in Democracy Corps poll, but near 48 percent, that's an average of the public polls, and for an incumbent candidate, as we know, that puts him in a very, very endangered position in terms of his re-election. Let me talk about Democracy Corps first and then the public polls. Democracy Corps had a survey that started calling on Friday night, called until Saturday noontime, it was a half sample that will be completed on Sunday. We don't normally release these polls as partial samples, but given the intense interest in what's happening in this race and possible impact of the events on Friday around the Bin Laden tape, we thought it appropriate to release this half sample.

The half sample is a very stable sample, which has Kerry at 48 percent and Bush at 47 percent, that's almost identical within a point of the full survey that we had completed and released on Friday. Like that survey, this survey is evenly divided on party identification, it's not biased toward either party or candidate and looks like a quite stable and incredible read on where the race is. All this polling was done following the news on Bin Laden.

Let me just mention that, as part of that, and we're very cautious about this - we added a question - this poll was intended to be fielded independent of the events - we added a question this morning that was only in the 250 interviews that was conducted on Saturday and I read it just to try to suggest that we ought to be a little bit cautious in interpreting what we think will be the consequence of these events.

We read following question:

I'm going to read you paraphrasement about Osama Bin Laden's videotape - this is a poll that was conducted by Democracy Corps, I'm going to read you a paraphrasement about the release of Bin Laden's videotape, please tell me what comes closer to your view: One, it makes me think that George W. Bush took his eye of the ball in Afghanistan (news - web sites) and diverted his resources to Iraq; Two, it underscores the importance of George Bush (news - web sites)'s approach to terrorism

By ten points, 46-36 percent, voters responding to the survey agreed with the first statement , rather than the second.

Again, we'll have full results from that question on Sunday night, this is a partial result. But it ought to, at least, should put up a flag in offering a linear interpretation on how voters are likely to react to what happened on Friday night. By the way, I don't draw any conclusion, only to suggest that this is a much more mixed and complex event with no evidence in our poll that it impacts the vote in the race or impacts the basic contours of the issues in the race.

Now, it also indicates that this poll really reflects the overall stability of the race, looking at all the public polls, looking at all of the public polls.

This past week, George Bush polled, on average, this is using the results of registered voters, as we know and I've highlighted and indicated in a memo last Saturday, that the registered, is, first of all, is common across all the polls, in comparison, without building in the likely voter assumptions - a model assumption. In addition to that, we know at least looking in the academic studies, and looking at the CNN poll, that the registered voter was a better predictor in three of the last three of four elections, which was a better predictor in 2000, as our guide.

George Bush polled 47.9 percent on average in the public polls and is only a gain of .5 points over the previous week, you know, very stable. In the same period, John Kerry (news - web sites) gained .1 percent, at 46.4 percent - essentially tied in the race.

But I do want to highlight something about the polls that we released Saturday, if one looked at the polls released on Saturday, which means, if you include some of the polling done after the Bin Laden tape, Friday night polling, the vote stands as 48 percent in one of them, 47 percent in another and 46 percent in two others. That is a weaker result for George Bush than the polls conducted on Wednesday through Friday of this past week.

So, the polls conducted that included Friday night calling released today had George Bush's number below the number that we talked about earlier, the 47.9 number. And indeed, below 47 percent than not.

Let me also just mention one thing about the undecided voters, across this week, the average undecided in the public polls was 4.4 percent, but I want to mention that the polls released for Saturday, the average undecided was 6 points. So that there is no evidence that going into this weekend, or the consequences of the events on Friday, there is no evidence that voters have moved from their undecided position to casting a preference. The race is essentially stable, there is still a significant undecided, which still has yet to express a preference.

And I should note, from the Democracy Corps polling, where we combined all of the polls at the end of last week, for the polls conducted last week, and looked at the undecided vote before they were pushed to a preference, they leaned democratic by 2-1 and when asked a question whether you want to go in a significantly different direction than President Bush (news - web sites) or continue going in his direction, they chose change by 58-29 percent, 2-1.

So, the undecided is still there, has not closed on this last weekend. They are very much change voters, who I believe will not express their preference until they go to the polls on Thursday. But the evidence of public polls and our polls is a race that is stable on this weekend.

DEVINE: This is Tad Devine, I'll just make a couple of quick points. My first point is: I believe John Kerry is much stronger today, going into the weekend before the election, than Al Gore (news - web sites) was four years ago going into the election, where Al Gore actually got more votes.

I think John Kerry's position versus an incumbent president is one way to understand this race and the strength of John Kerry's standing right now.

The President's horse race numbers, and Stan talked about it on a national basis, and I think we see this very much so in the battlegrounds - I believe in the end is really going to be his number, his ultimate vote, he's not going to push it up a lot from there. And as we look at the battlegrounds, in our individual state polling, the President is really mired in the mid-40s, and almost in all of the battlegrounds in terms of his horse race, and I think he's going to wind up near that in most of the states.

When you look at four years ago, in the national public polling, going into that last weekend, Gore trailed in almost all public polls, sometimes by a large margin, and that was reversed on Election Day. I think the advantage we have in so many of these states, on the ground in the final days, will help us gain votes in those battlegrounds as well.

The other big difference we have from four years ago is not just the standing in polls, particularly as they pertain to the battleground state, but also the huge resources advantage for bush in the year 2000 which has been extinguished this time.

It has been a remarkable change in circumstances; four years ago the resource advantage for Bush was overwhelming it forced a very difficult choice for the Gore campaign which was to take down the paid media in Ohio three weeks before the election and that money from Ohio was used principally just to try to keep up with the President's advantage in paid media in Florida. And despite shutting Ohio down the President still managed to outspend Al Gore in Florida four years ago by a significant margin and they spent 2.7 million dollars the last week of the 2000 campaign whereas the Gore campaign spent 2 million, but if you look at the spending this time this campaign, the Kerry campaign is outspending George Bushes campaign significantly in terms of paid media in the state of Florida.

On an aggregate basis campaign to campaign there was a 5,000 point, gross rating point advantage for the Kerry campaign in week one in Florida the final week. And the same is true in Ohio a huge advantage in terms of campaign spending and even when you aggregate the spending of all the other groups, the party groups, the 527 groups on either side Kerry's side still has a significant almost 5,000 total gross rating point advantage in the state of Florida and the state of Ohio. And this advantage occurs in a number of other battleground states as well, so that is a big difference to actually have a resource advantage in the paid media in the final days of the campaign, a big difference from 2000.

My second point is, I believe John Kerry is strongly positioned to win the battlegrounds, and we see this based on the enormous depth of research. Kerry I believe in the spring established a strong predicate in the battlegrounds when he introduced himself in terms of his biography with a wave of advertising throughout these states that is something Al Gore could not do in 2000 and I think that is an advantage that John Kerry will realize again next Tuesday. And our own research, we track at various times up to fifteen different states at others that we looked at the beginning of this process and as we look at these states we believe we are ahead in most of the battlegrounds today. Some of them I believe have been clearly established as victories for John Kerry states like Washington state and Oregon and Maine, we have really established our dominance in those states, but in the big battlegrounds we think we are ahead in most of them like New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Minnesota, and Florida where we believe we have a small but important advantage right now.

And Wisconsin where we had been behind weeks ago, but we have moved to a small, significant, important advantage. And some of these other states, like Ohio, Nevada, New Mexico, Iowa we think the race is very close, but we see ourselves as positioned to win again the President with a problem in terms of his horse race numbers, unable to get to where he needs to be to be to win, wrong track number very high, job approval very low for the President consistently. So, we think we are positioned to win in the battlegrounds, that is what next Tuesday is all about, we've dedicated our resources towards that, and as we go into this final weekend we see a candidacy, much more strongly than the position four years ago both in the battlegrounds and in the nation.

---

Paid for by Kerry-Edwards 2004, Inc.

usnewswire.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 3:44:14 AM
From: stockman_scottRead Replies (1) | Respond to of 81568
 
A Very Comprehensive Electoral College Analysis

dailykos.com

Total Projection: Kerry 311, Bush 227

******************

*Complete state-by-state analysis at the link above but here is the conclusion:

<<...Basically, I see a very slight Kerry victory in the popular vote (between 1-2 points) coupled with a solid EC victory. I think that the numbers are favorable for Kerry in the nine critical states, and that the Repubs will simply not have an answer for the newly registered Dem voters and the ACT/Moveon/Kerry ground game. The importance of WI and NH, incidentally, cannot be overstated. I'm fairly certain that OH is going Kerry--and I think that all the facts (the fraud aside) suggest a Kerry win in FL. But I wouldn't want to bet everything on FL, nor on IA or NM. If all those go to Bush, while Kerry takes OH, then it's all about WI and NH--winning them both would earn him a 272-266 victory.

All in all, I feel very good about where things are, and Bin Laden tonight didn't change that...>>



To: American Spirit who wrote (55249)10/31/2004 4:19:52 AM
From: stockman_scottRespond to of 81568
 
Why 'This Is About Bush'
________________________________

His narrowly focused 'hedgehog presidency' cements the allegiance of conservatives and galvanizes his foes. The result is bitter division.

By Ronald Brownstein
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
October 31, 2004

WASHINGTON — More Americans than ever may participate in Tuesday's presidential election — as volunteers and, on Tuesday, voters. But in its tone, its agenda and its fervor, the marathon race for the White House bears the unmistakable imprint of one man: President Bush.

As much through his unflinching style as his aggressive policies, Bush has powered a campaign that has engaged, motivated and divided Americans — and much of the world — like none in recent times.

The Democratic presidential nominee, Sen. John F. Kerry, has his admirers and his critics. But the unprecedented sums of money raised by both parties, the long lines of early voters already crowding polling places in many states and the anticipation of a sharply higher turnout Tuesday are all primarily reflections of the passions Bush has stirred in four turbulent years, especially by invading Iraq, analysts agree.

"This is about Bush," said Andrew Kohut, executive director of the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press.

Half a century ago, the philosopher Isaiah Berlin famously separated intellectuals and artists into two categories: the fox, who is clever, creative, committed to many goals; and the hedgehog, a creature driven by a single unwavering conviction. By Berlin's standards, Bush has produced one of the purest examples of a hedgehog presidency.

With his repeated tax cuts, his support for a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage and the war in Iraq, Bush has consistently pursued goals that generate strong support among Republicans and conservatives, but at the price of provoking antipathy among Democrats and liberals.

In his policies, Bush has sought to advance his ideas mainly by holding to sharply defined positions — and attempting to shift the debate in his direction almost by magnetic force.

In his political strategy, he has sought more to deepen his support among groups that lean in his direction than to broaden his appeal among groups that have resisted him.

Bush and his brain trust "have decided that rather than trying to expand their coalition and possibly water down their agenda, they would rather push for their agenda, even if it meant having to govern in a very partisan way," said Alan Abramowitz, a political scientist at Atlanta's Emory University. "Bush's strategy has focused primarily on energizing the Republican base rather than reaching out to swing voters."

The culmination of this hedgehog presidency is a campaign that has become a crusade, both for Bush's supporters and his opponents.

Massive advertising, voter registration efforts and get-out-the-vote campaigns from the left and right are crunching against each other like armies from the age of the sword and ax. Bush, Kerry and their allies have spent at least $1.2 billion on the presidential race, the most ever, according to the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics.

"This is the most hard-fought and well-funded race that we have seen in modern history," said Anthony Corrado, an expert on campaign finance at Colby College in Maine.

In the final 48 hours, a late surge might carry either Bush or Kerry to a relatively decisive victory. But most polls point toward a razor-thin race that threatens to leave America divided about as narrowly — and perhaps even more bitterly — than it was after Bush's disputed victory over Democrat Al Gore in 2000.

"If Bush wins, he is going to be reviled by the left for another four years, and if Kerry wins it is going to be the same thing on the right," said Stephen Moore, president of the Club for Growth, a conservative political action committee.

"It's not like this election is going to resolve anything, because whoever wins is going to win by a percentage point or two and whoever loses is going to spend four years trying to destroy the other side. Don't think this is over" Tuesday.

*

New Issues, Same Sides

Both sides enter the campaign's final hours with more questions than answers — just as in 2000. The race has been so tight for so long that operatives on both sides believe it could be tipped by almost anything: a swell in turnout for either candidate that surprises pollsters; the weather in key states such as Florida, Ohio or Wisconsin; or the last-minute reaction among the few undecided voters to the public resurfacing Friday of terrorist leader Osama bin Laden.

Many analysts have speculated that the Bin Laden videotape could benefit Bush by focusing more attention on the war against terrorism, the president's strongest suit in polls. But of six national polls released Saturday, five showed Bush and Kerry within two percentage points of each other.

Only a Newsweek survey gave Bush a clear edge. In the ABC/Washington Post and Zogby/Reuters tracking polls released Saturday, Kerry's position was slightly better than it had been before the Bin Laden tape surfaced; the TechnoMetrica Institute of Policy and Politics tracking poll showed an equally small tilt in Bush's direction.

"What's terrifying about this race is a gust of wind could blow it one way or the other," said Eli Pariser, executive director of the political action committee associated with the online liberal advocacy group MoveOn.org.

Bush's on-the-edge position this close to the election is virtually unique for an incumbent.

History offers several examples of incumbents who lost substantial support over the course of their term and suffered resounding defeats in their reelection bid — from Herbert Hoover in 1932 to George H.W. Bush in 1992.

More common have been incumbents who broadened their support during their first term and significantly increased their margin of victory in winning reelection, from Thomas Jefferson in 1804 to Bill Clinton in 1996.

But unless opinion breaks decisively in the final two days, Bush won't fit into either category. Current polls show Bush attracting about as much support — and largely from the same sources — as he did in 2000.

This sign of political stability is especially remarkable given the enormous change in the issue mix since 2000. Four years ago, domestic issues — taxes, education and prescription drugs for seniors — dominated the race. In this, the first election since the Sept. 11 attacks, terrorism and the war in Iraq have consumed by far the most attention.

Yet even on this radically different terrain, the basic boundaries that divided red (Republican) from blue (Democratic) America in 2000 remain largely in place.

The latest polls still show Kerry and Bush commanding mirror-image demographic and ideological coalitions defined more by cultural values than economic interests, just as in 2000. Bush dominates among rural voters and middle-income whites, especially those who are married and attend church regularly or own guns.

Kerry holds strong leads among urban voters, minorities, singles and those who don't attend church regularly or own guns. He also runs competitively among lower-income whites open to his economic message and affluent white voters responsive to his views on social and foreign policy issues.

Independents and suburbanites, two classic groups of swing voters, remain closely split between Bush and Kerry in late surveys — just as they were four years ago.

*

A Polarizing Trend

Some shifts since 2000 are evident.

Bush is bidding strongly for Pennsylvania, and his campaign has made recent pushes to win Michigan and New Jersey — all states Gore carried comfortably four years ago. And Bush even dispatched Vice President Dick Cheney to mount a last-minute drive for traditionally Democratic Hawaii.

Kerry is fighting harder to win some Southwestern states, such as Nevada and Colorado, than the Democrats did in 2000.

But between them, Kerry and Bush are seriously contesting only a few states that the other party carried four years ago.

These trends underscore the extent to which Bush's presidency has hardened, rather than realigned, the divisions that existed when he took office.

For instance, Bush's approval rating among Republicans has routinely exceeded 90% in polls — higher numbers on a sustained basis than President Reagan recorded. But Bush's approval from Democrats has often stood at 15% or less. That's the largest partisan gap in a president's job approval in the 50-year history of modern polling.

Karl Rove and Matthew Dowd, Bush's top political strategists, have argued that the calcifying divisions in the country represent a long-term trend largely unrelated to Bush's actions.

Dowd noted that the gap in the approval ratings presidents receive from voters in the two parties has steadily increased in recent decades and asserted that Bush was unlikely to significantly expand his support beyond his party base, no matter how he governed. Republicans also say that the bitterness over the 2000 result also created an environment inhospitable to attracting support from Democrats.

Most experts in both parties agree that the nation has grown more polarized over the last 25 years, limiting any president's ability to expand his coalition. But many believe Bush's governing choices have deepened the divisions.

Apart from his No Child Left Behind education plan, Bush has consistently offered initiatives aimed at his GOP base — such as his massive tax cuts and his early foreign policy moves, including abandoning the international negotiations on global warming.

After his firm response to the 9/11 attacks, Bush attracted enormous support from Democrats and Republicans. But polarization resurfaced over the following year as Bush offered initiatives on taxes, energy policy and homeland security that sharply divided the parties.

Bush's approval rating among Democrats, which peaked at 84% in Gallup surveys after the 9/11 attacks, fell below 50% by the summer of 2002.

*

Unity Ends With War

The war in Iraq blew away the last fragments of post-9/11 unity. Indeed, in its political effect, the war has functioned like a social issue such as abortion. It has divided the country most profoundly along cultural, not economic, lines — thus reinforcing and even intensifying the divisions evident in 2000.

Support for the war has generally been greater among the same morally conservative, less affluent constituencies that have been drawn to the GOP over the last generation on social issues. Opposition has been most marked among upscale and socially moderate constituencies that moved toward the Democrats, largely on social concerns, in the 1990s.

Driven by that current, the most important changes in voting patterns this year are less likely to reverse the trends of 2000 than to push even further in the same direction — with Democrats increasingly relying on upscale and better-educated voters and Republicans gaining among downscale voters mostly on noneconomic issues such as national security.

Four years ago, Bush ran even among voters with a college education. But recent polls show him trailing with that group, largely because he has lost support among college-educated men, traditionally a Republican constituency.

Bush may offset those gains by expanding his support among married women without a college education, the so-called "waitress moms" responsive to both his socially conservative and peace-through-strength messages.

These patterns have persisted even though Kerry has centered his economic message on a promise to defend middle-class families and Bush has built his economic agenda around tax cuts that have provided most of their benefits to the most affluent. And the frame Bush has tried to impose on the 2004 election seems designed to accelerate the trends.

Whereas Kerry has generally sought to blur ideological distinctions, Bush has aggressively tried to sharpen them, presenting the election as a choice between a liberal and a conservative. Like most of his policy decisions, Bush's campaign strategy appears to have been aimed more at broadening his support among conservative-leaning constituencies than expanding his reach to moderates.

"He makes very little effort to speak across the divides of the American people, to reassure people that he is interested in transcending those divisions," said Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a centrist Democratic think tank Bush praised in the 2000 campaign. "Somewhere along the way, he let himself get talked into running a campaign that is basically addressed to one half of America."

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Both Camps Energized

This polarizing approach has presented Bush with clear costs and benefits in this year's contest.

The most obvious cost has been the fervor Bush has inspired among his opponents. From financier George Soros (who has donated about $24 million to anti-Bush groups this year) to rock icon Bruce Springsteen (who appeared with Kerry this week after spurning endorsement requests for 30 years), to the massive voter registration drives engineered by groups such as America Coming Together and the 531,000 people who have contributed since October to MoveOn.org's political action committee, it is difficult to imagine how the left could do any more to beat Bush.

These efforts, said Pariser of the MoveOn PAC, stem from "a visceral feeling about where things are headed unless we change course."

Bush's strategy also has cost him some support in circles that usually lean Republican. Last summer, a group of former diplomats and military officers, many of whom held top positions for Republican presidents, called for his defeat. Forty-one newspapers that editorially endorsed Bush last time have revoked their support this year, according to Editor and Publisher, an industry magazine.

Diplomats and editorial writers may not move many votes. But their disenchantment symbolizes the class shift in American politics that Bush appears to be spurring.

The flip side is the enthusiasm Bush has inspired among conservatives. Last year, Swift Boat Veterans and POWs for Truth, the group of Vietnam veterans criticizing Kerry's record in the war, didn't exist; today it has raised at least $23 million from more than 100,000 donors.

Established conservative groups like the National Rifle Assn. and the Club for Growth, which focuses on economic issues, are all mounting vast efforts for Bush.

"Everybody is digging as deep as they can," says Moore.

The biggest test of Bush's "hedgehog" strategy will come Tuesday.

Bush's advisors are betting that his passionate attachment to conservative causes at home and abroad, his firm style of leadership and his ardent expressions of personal religious faith will inspire a huge turnout from the Republican base that will carry him to a second term. The risk is that he will inspire an equal or greater reaction from Democratic constituencies that will tilt the key states, and the race, to Kerry.

Over a grueling and historic term, Bush has riveted America. He has achieved more of his agenda than seemed possible after his narrow victory in 2000. But his presidency has carved deep lines of division through the country.

Bush is about to learn whether in drawing those lines, he is left with enough supporters to earn a second term.

latimes.com