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Strategies & Market Trends : Mish's Global Economic Trend Analysis -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Chispas who wrote (16975)11/28/2004 9:57:22 AM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116555
 
Nationwide raises fears of housing crash in 2005
By Tim Webb and Clayton Hirst

28 November 2004

Nationwide, the UK's largest building society, will warn this week that there is a 20 to 30 per cent chance of a house price crash happening next year.

The forecast for 2005, published on Tuesday, will add to the growing fears of a "hard landing" for the housing market.

The society's chief economist, Alex Bannister, said he still believed that "slight increases" in prices were the most likely scenario next year, giving this a probability of 60 per cent.

But the chance of prices falling by, on average, between 10 and 20 per cent in 2005 was now almost one in three, he said. The chance of prices growing more strongly, in line with recent rises, was one in 10.

"The market is highly valued at the moment," he said. "Our view is that people won't panic. But anyone telling you that [a crash] is not going to happen is talking rubbish."

Nationwide will also publish house price figures for November on Tuesday, which are expected to show a drop of around 0.5 per cent.

Kate Barker, the Bank of England Monetary Policy Committee member who wrote an influential report for the Treasury on housing supply, said there needed to be a "culture change" in the way town planners operated to speed application approvals so that more homes could be built.

"The Treasury is used to thinking in a market-driven way. Many planners are not used to looking out for market signals and considering the costs and benefits to the wider economy."

news.independent.co.uk



To: Chispas who wrote (16975)11/28/2004 11:19:56 AM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 116555
 
Bush's Social Security Plan Is Said to Require Vast Borrowing
By RICHARD W. STEVENSON

Published: November 28, 2004

WASHINGTON, Nov. 27 - The White House and Republicans in Congress are all but certain to embrace large-scale government borrowing to help finance President Bush's plan to create personal investment accounts in Social Security, according to administration officials, members of Congress and independent analysts.

The White House says it has made no decisions about how to pay for establishing the accounts, and among Republicans on Capitol Hill there are divergent opinions about how much borrowing would be prudent at a time when the government is running large budget deficits. Many Democrats say that the costs associated with setting up personal accounts just make Social Security's financial problems worse, and that the United States can scarcely afford to add to its rapidly growing national debt.

But proponents of Mr. Bush's effort to make investment accounts the centerpiece of an overhaul of the retirement system said there were no realistic alternatives to some increases in borrowing, a requirement the White House is beginning to acknowledge.

"The administration hasn't settled on any particular Social Security reform plan," Joshua B. Bolten, the director of the White House's Office of Management and Budget, said in an e-mail message in response to questions about overhauling the system.

"The president does support personal accounts, which need not add over all to the cost of the program but could in the short run require additional borrowing to finance the transition," Mr. Bolten said. "I believe there's a strong case that this approach not only makes sense as a matter of savings policy, but is also fiscally prudent."

Proponents say the necessary amount of borrowing could vary widely, from hundreds of billions to trillions of dollars over a decade, depending on how much money people are permitted to contribute to the accounts and whether the changes to Social Security include benefit cuts and tax increases.

Borrowing by the government could be necessary to establish the personal accounts because of the way Social Security pays for benefits. Under the current system, the payroll tax levied on workers goes to benefits for people who are already retired. Personal accounts would be paid for out of the same pool of money; they would allow workers to divert a portion of their payroll taxes into accounts invested in mutual funds or other investments.

The money going into the accounts would therefore no longer be available to pay benefits to current retirees. The shortfall would have to be made up somehow to preserve benefits for people who are already retired during the transition from one system to the other, and by nearly all estimates there is no way to make it up without relying at least in part on government borrowing.

Mr. Bush and Republicans in Congress have paid little political price in the last four years for the swing from budget surpluses to deficits. But some polls show that Americans consider reducing the deficit to be a higher priority than many other goals, including cutting taxes, and embracing a new round of borrowing could pose political as well as economic risks.

A reasonable amount of borrowing now, the proponents say, would avert a much bigger financial obligation decades later. They say personal accounts would yield higher returns for individuals than the current system and could be a catalyst to broader changes that would bring the benefits promised by Social Security into line with what the system, which is also about to come under intense financial strain from the aging of the baby boom generation and the increase in life expectancies, can afford to pay.

Mr. Bush has vowed to push hard to remake Social Security. Republicans in Congress say the White House has signaled to them that Mr. Bush will put the issue at the top of his domestic agenda in the coming year.

But the White House has never answered fundamental questions about Mr. Bush's plan. In particular, it has not explained how it would deal with the financial quandary created by its call for personal accounts.

Some conservative analysts and Republicans in Congress say a portion of the temporary financial gap that would be created by personal accounts could be closed through measures like holding down the growth in overall government spending. But nearly everyone involved in the debate over Social Security agrees that some borrowing will be necessary.

The main Republican players in Congress on the issue say they expect to endorse an increase in borrowing to finance the transition to a new system. But they remain split over whether to back plans that would include larger investment accounts and few painful trade-offs like benefit cuts and tax increases - and therefore require more borrowing - or to limit borrowing and include more steps that would be politically unpopular.

"Anybody who thinks borrowing money for the transition to personal accounts is going to solve the problem of the long-term solvency of Social Security doesn't understand the size of the problem," said Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, which has jurisdiction over the retirement system.

Mr. Grassley said Congress would also have to put benefit reductions and tax increases on the table, in part to hold down the need for borrowing and in part to assure that any changes restore Social Security's long-term financial stability.

Under current projections used by Social Security's trustees, the government will have to begin drawing on general tax revenue to pay benefits to retirees in 2018, the first year in which scheduled benefit payments will exceed revenues from the payroll tax dedicated to the retirement system. By 2042, the government will have exhausted the Social Security trust fund - its legal obligation to pay back to the retirement system the temporary surplus in payroll tax revenues it has borrowed over the last several decades to subsidize the rest of the budget - and after that Social Security would be able to pay only about three-quarters of promised benefits.

Opponents of Mr. Bush's approach say that Social Security's financial problems can be dealt with more easily without the addition of personal accounts, and that any large-scale borrowing would erase the presumed economic advantage of establishing the accounts: spurring more national savings, a goal that nearly all economists agree is worthy and important. Any increase in private, individual savings, they say, would be partly or wholly offset by an increase in public debt. National savings are what is left after counting up everything the nation spends. This pool of money goes to investing in the expansion and modernization of business. It is a vital component of economic health.

"To the extent that the transition is debt-financed, the ostensible macroeconomic benefits from individual accounts are undermined," said Peter Orszag, an economist at the Brookings Institution who has been critical of personal account plans. "In particular, you do not get an increase in national savings. It's engaging effectively in accounting gimmicks to make it look as if you're doing something when you're not."

In an effort to pressure the White House to acknowledge some of the financial trade-offs in its approach, Democratic leaders in Congress this week asked Mr. Bush to include in his next budget an accounting of the money that would be needed for his Social Security plan.

Only by including such figures in the budget, the Democrats said in a letter to Mr. Bush, "will Congress and the American people be able to weigh the difficult trade-offs between large-scale borrowing, Social Security benefit cuts, tax increases, and other spending reductions that may be required to fund your Social Security private accounts proposal. "

The White House, which has promised to cut the deficit in half while making Mr. Bush's tax cuts permanent, has signaled that it does not intend to include the figures in its budget, since the administration has not endorsed a detailed plan.

The budget deficit in the year ended Sept. 30 was $413 billion. The total national debt is about $7.5 trillion, including $3 trillion owed by the government to itself, much of it in the form of the Social Security trust fund. Rising debt forces the government to pay out more of its revenue in interest payments, and can put upward pressure on the interest rates paid by businesses and consumers.

Some Republicans in Congress are concerned that too much borrowing would carry large economic and political costs. Senator Judd Gregg, the New Hampshire Republican who will be chairman of the Senate Budget Committee next year, said he would support borrowing money for Social Security if it was part of a plan that also included modest benefit cuts and tax increases.

But he said the additional debt might have to be accounted for on the government's books in a way that would not technically show an increase in the budget deficit in coming years.

[I get it, if it's not on the books the problem is not there - brilliant. mish]

"You've got to look at this as a very significant long-term fiscal policy decision where you're going to have a loss in the first 10 to 15 years and a significant move toward solvency in the last 20 to 30 years," Mr. Gregg said. "That mitigates against doing it in the context of a typical budget resolution."

To critics of personal accounts, Mr. Gregg's suggestion amounts to relying on budget gimmickry to hide the true costs. But supporters of the accounts say borrowing even a few trillion dollars now would be worthwhile, because it would help wipe out the retirement system's long-term unfunded liability - the difference between what it will owe retirees under current law and the amount it will take in - of around $11 trillion.

Senator John E. Sununu of New Hampshire and Representative Paul D. Ryan of Wisconsin, both Republicans, have sponsored legislation that would allow workers to contribute more to their personal accounts than most other plans proposed by members of Congress and outside groups and would not require tax increases or benefit cuts. But by some estimates it would require nearly $2 trillion in borrowing - and, in the view of its critics, much more - and even then would rely on the idea that the new system would create so much more economic growth that it would partly pay for itself by generating additional tax revenues for the government.
[Look at these idiot dreamers. pay for itself thru growth. Is this a joke? mish]

Representative Jim Kolbe, Republican of Arizona, said the government could probably keep new borrowing to $800 billion over 10 years, but only if Congress and the administration are willing to back tax increases and benefit cuts as part of a broad overhaul of the retirement system.

"People do not understand that tough choices need to be made," Mr. Kolbe said.

nytimes.com



To: Chispas who wrote (16975)11/28/2004 4:31:16 PM
From: mishedlo  Read Replies (5) | Respond to of 116555
 
Veg on the FOOL writes a last post.
I asked him to stay and I hope he does.
It is a good post and I wanted to share it
PS. he is from Belgium
Mish
Here goes - from Veg:
==============================================================
It's different this time and believe me it really is. Not the economy stupid, but the circumstances we're in.
And most of us here, know what the differences are, but it never hurts to summarize them one more time.

Let's return to the beginning of 2001.

The first difference
The US is in a recession but this time the recession isn't caused by a restrictive monetary policy that is necessary to counter inflation. Something that has been the case for all the recessions over the past 50 years.

The event that triggered the recession was a sharp fall in investments. The business investments had anticipated growth already far too much.
The government tried to compensate the retreat in capital investments, by drastically reducing the interest rate and by a tax cut. Unfortunately even after the recession the Fed kept performing interest rate reductions and that is the second difference.

Households who make out 70 percent of GDP, save nothing and happily pile up debt.
Households are worriless and live in an illusion of wealth thanks to a still very high valued stock market and ever increasing real estate prices.
And they do not repent. The tax repayments must have left their wallets quickly and the low interest rates (home equity loans) allowed them to consume the increases in the (vulnerable) value of their equities.
A recession where households saved less and borrowed more makes the third difference.

The recession was mild and a feeling of “the worst is only postponed” sneaks into my mind. A recession makes imbalances disappear but here the imbalances only increased.
That's a fourth unusual element.

The deficit on the current account is a reflection of the low national saving rate. A deficit that continued its ride from 3,9 % to 5,7 % of GDP. Even despite a drop by 30 % of the dollar against a basket of 30 other currencies (since 2001).
The considerable depreciation of the dollar was accompanied by an almost insignificant increase of prices of imported products and services. Exporters took the difference on their account.
The ever mounting deficit of the current account, the depreciation of the dollar and the stability of import prices together, form the fifth difference.

Two thirds of the 3,7 percent of the annualized US growth in Q3 comes from less saving. The saving rate was about 0,4 % of disposable income and can hardily be seen as a solid base for future growth.
A fourth difference with previous recessions.
(yep, the fifth is somewhat the same as the third, but I need to cheat a little to find ten differences ;)

Since the end of the recession of 2001, real incomes have risen only by 2 %. The average income increase during the three years that followed all six recessions that preceded 2001, was 10 %. All this while household spending rose three to four times as fast as the real income rise.
That's difference number seven.

We all know this cannot be a neverending story and at a certain point in time, the courageous US consumer will need to slow down. Then the economy will gradually shift from a credit driven economy to a saving driven economy (although personally I consider the “credit driven” aspect a characteristic of modern capitalism and foresee a worldwide crisis of the capitalistic ideology).
Less consumption means less GDP and as we've seen that in recent years there has been an abnormal spending behavior, the impact could be more severe than many assume.
The drop in GDP is written in the stars and the bond market anticipates already. The long term interest rate lowered since June, and this while AG introduced short term interest rate hikes. An eighth difference.

Households have also purchased a lot of durable goods in recent years. They have greedily accepted the free lunches (credit) offered by many companies. Hereby they have strongly eaten into future demand.
In past recessions the purchase of durables was postponed rather than activated.
A ninth difference.

Can we still rely on the government to perform some delicious deficit spending to stimulate demand? With the challenges we face, an aging population and detoriating health care expenses, this tactic is highly improbable (apart from the defense spending) and if used would ultimately lead to even bigger problems.
Nor the government, nor the Fed, have a lot of ammunition left.
The tenth difference.

Okay, let's quit the enumerating now and comment a little. All the differences are interrelated and therefore every difference seems to boil down to the same.
But that's exactly the main point!

The Fed and with them many economists and financial analysts, remain optimistic and see a long period of reasonable growth and rising inflation that will painlessly wipe out the imbalances.
The relative rest that reigns today feeds the belief in this scenario. And why should we worry, now that the biggest problems have been averted.
They even presented us a nice job report, the S&P is doing well and the VIX-index shared in the shots of optimism.

This is a huge illusion. A superficial illusion that denies the underlying phenomena and the economical, historical and psychological laws.
The present silence only hides the imbalances and the longer stability stays, the bigger the chance of a miscarriage.

But how bad can it be. Different scenarios are possible, from a bad outcome to an apocalyptical one.
All of the scenarios have similarities. One of them is that the dollar will continue to depreciate and another is that the saving rate will increase again and debt levels will retreat.

Beyond any doubt these trends will reduce consumption. However other elements will join in and determine whether this recession will be a commonly bad one or a really bad one.

Will the business environment invest?
I guess not. If consumption falls back then the business environment will anticipate. Today we notice still weak investment activity and important inside selling.

Can we count on the government?
Only an increase in the deficit (spending minus taxes) can help the economy.
The most obvious probability is that the US will keep stimulating its most important and frugal economy sector (=war economy). But here the only long term advantage of this economy lies in the successful seizing of the wealth of this globe.

The dollar depreciation
A lower dollar will not solve the current account deficit. Combined with a resurgence of the savings rate in the US, I can see less import and a reduction of the current account but as imports are now at 152 % of exports, the US also needs more export.
In normal circumstances a lower currency stimulates exports but in our global economy the rest of the world will experience immediately the negative effects of the US consumer's changing behavior and consequently will unlike J6P, adapt swiftly and reduce spending which I consider a normal behavior.
The Chinese and Indian markets aren't sufficiently consumer driven and the overall purchase power isn't big enough to compensate the falling Western consumption. That'll take another decade at least.

For all this, it's unlikely that investments, government deficit spending and dollar depreciation will soften the next-postponed-recession.

Just as in the nineties the positive interactions led to an exuberant phase, this time the negative interactions will lead to a reversed exuberant phase.

The paradigma that saving is superfluous in a credit driven society is pure vanity. Vanity that comes before the fall.

I stick to the asset-, debt- and price deflation, even considering the excess liquidity in the market and rising commodity prices.
The rising commodity prices remind us of the seventies and the stagflation. In those years the environmental factors were inflation sensitive and inflation was running away already before the increase in commodity prices.
Over the past 24 years the environmental factors have been deflation sensitive and I see no change yet and a dollar depreciation will only be an accumulative deflationary element for the rest of the world.

Some say, that the Fed will cause inflation no matter what. Helicopter money, printing presses, monetization, … noises all around us. The open question is can they do it?
I find it quite clear that when they do it, we won't have inflation but dollar-hyperinflation served with a South-American sauce, because it will trigger the loss of confidence in the currency. It's insane to spice the recipe “reserve world currency” that way.

You find all of this improbable. A stress-test that is irrelevant.
In Fortune they published a stress-test in 2003. The question was whether the rally was able to take some hurdles. The test of improbable situations gives us some interesting information.
The first improbable situation was a drop of 10 % in the value of the dollar (it's minus 12 % now), the second one was an oil price of $ 35 (we're at $50 now) and the third was a divergence between the S&P-profits reported and their tax profits (until 1997 there was no difference, in 2000 the divergence was huge, in 2001 we returned to normality and today the reported profits are 50 % higher than tax profits).
Improbable! What is improbable?

We all wonder what will do it? What will be the trigger mechanism?
This brings me to the final issue: the “negative brand value” of Bush.

He who analyses the numbers of Wal-Mart must notice that their sales figures in Germany have dropped. A drop unseen in history. In Q3-2004 Coca Cola sold 16 % less in Germany. Mc Donald's, Gap, Disney and Marlborough show the same pattern. In a quasi stable smokers-market Marlborough sales dropped 25 % in France and 19 % in Germany.
And this isn't the result of a stagnating European market.
It happens without the excessive noise the United Staters made about the French products back in the pre-war Iraqi phase, but it simply happens.

Over the past four years my attitude towards the US changed but hope was still there. The voter made a mistake and all was going to get back to normal after November 2th.
Since November 2th hope is gone. It was no mistake!

I don't have to fool myself anymore and I better confess that I have become anti-american.
I boycott American products actively and I have become reluctant in appearing on this board.

Last week I read the (Dutch) book, The Jewish Messiah, by Arnon Grunberg wherein a German boy Xavier was going to save the Jews from their horrible past (a very provoking book). After a failed circumcision, he lost a ball. He saved it as a relic in a bottle of water and called it King David.
I couldn't help it, my thoughts wandered off to another King David, the messiah of the ultra-conservative middle class in jesusland.
Unfortunately they didn't put that ball in a bottle of water.

Perhaps one more thought on US democracy as our leading form of Western ideology.
In the seventies our leaders set a goal. The goal that all poverty had to be banned from this globe by the end of the millennium. We made no progress at all. In 2000 they set a new goal by which now all poverty must be reduced by half in 2015. What a nonsense!
We have accepted poverty and promoted it in two ways. First by accepting capitalism as the only road to salvation and secondly by promoting US democracy. In fact we have done no more than accept the inevitability of poverty in the name of protecting our way of life. Western subsidies and protectionism are only derivatives of that attitude.
The promotion of US democracy envisages only one goal and that's safeguarding the Western way of life. Wasn't it George Bush Sr who said that he didn't go to the Rio Conference because the American way of life was not negotiable and wasn't it Bush Jr. who refused to sign the Kyoto treaty? Their civilization is the best and it's a right and a duty to promote and impose it all over the world. Each attempt or initiative to block that road is hostile. The US is the biggest obstacle for structural changes in this world.
The US democracy promotion is no more than the spreading of “polyarchy”.
Polyarchy is no more than the leadership of a limited group, where participation of the majority is restricted to the possibility to chose their leaders amongst competing members of that elite. An institutional definition of democracy or better a procedural definition.
The essential privilege of the dèmos is not decision making but election. In a classical democracy the representatives are chosen to execute the decisions of the voters, while in a procedural democracy the representatives are mandated to take decisions. It's the legitimization of inequality.

So that ought to do it, I guess.
Maybe one day, things will go better, see ya then.

Veg.