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To: LindyBill who wrote (90919)12/16/2004 10:42:34 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793761
 
Dean still not ready for prime time

December 16, 2004

BY ROBERT NOVAK SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST

Practical Democratic politicians, intent on reversing a decade of decline, feel trapped in a bad dream with Howard Dean as the most prominent prospect to be the party's national chairman. The mere thought of picking the 2004 presidential candidate who campaigned furthest to the left and was soundly repudiated by Democratic voters suggests inability to cope with political reality.

Dean has toned himself down, no longer resembling the screamer in Iowa or the radical populist on the campaign trail. His Sunday interview on NBC's ''Meet the Press'' was so polite it instantly was labeled the ''unscream.'' Nevertheless, Dean as chairman would identify Democrats as the party of the left, more interested in purity than victory.

Many Democrats I contacted entirely agree with me, but not publicly. Only former Sen. Bob Kerrey, out of office and virtually out of politics, states openly that Dean as Democratic National Committee chairman could be disastrous. Others do not want to offend Dean's legions, hoping a white knight will lead the party of Jefferson and Jackson.

It's almost as if, after George McGovern carried but one state as 1972 Democratic presidential nominee, he started running for national chairman. Thirty-two years ago, the party wanted to get as far from McGovern as possible and picked a centrist: Dallas super-lawyer Robert S. Strauss. He beat George Mitchell, future Senate majority leader, and Charles Manatt, future DNC chairman -- neither far-out liberals.

Considering the DNC's Strauss-Mitchell-Manatt choice in 1972, today's committee members might feel shortchanged by the eight potential candidates who appeared before the party's state chairmen (all DNC voting members) at Lake Buena Vista, Fla., last weekend. To the candidates, the chairmen looked like politicians interested in hotel suites and limos. To the chairmen, the candidates were unimpressive.

Each candidate was subjected to an imaginary ''Russert test'' -- how he would fare Sunday mornings under Tim Russert's ''Meet the Press'' interrogation. Passing the test last Saturday with highest grades was former Dallas Mayor Ron Kirk, who delivered a stemwinder. However, Kirk was a dreadful candidate running for the U.S. Senate in 2002, and one Democratic political consultant told me: ''He'd be another Ron Brown.'' Since Kirk is an African-American, as was Brown, that might sound racist. But the critic was referring to Brown's organizational failings as national chairman.

Rep. Martin Frost of Texas, who lost his seat in the state's redistricting, is an excellent organizer who won high marks from all wings of the party as House Democratic Caucus chairman (1999-2003). But he flunked the Russert test in Florida.

The ideal combination of organizer and speaker appeared to be Iowa Gov. Tom Vilsack, but he bowed out after Republicans in the legislature threatened to make his life miserable if he took the party post. Many of the same people who backed Vilsack turned to former Michigan Gov. Jim Blanchard, who also would appeal to a broad cross-section of Democrats. But Blanchard set few hearts pounding.

Blanchard wants to be the candidate of the Democratic governors and engaged in a phone conversation with New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson, chairman of the Democratic Governors Association. But Blanchard supporters contend Richardson has cozied up to Dean. A presidential hopeful for 2008, Richardson might like to get rid of Dean by freezing him as DNC chairman. Dean has declared he cannot run for president if he is chairman, but nobody believes he would keep that promise if he ushers in usual opposition party gains after six years of a presidency. (Richardson told me the governors' group will endorse later, ''Probably a beyond-the-beltway moderate.'')

So, while Al Gore and John Kerry may be history, Dean -- after losing 24 out of 25 primaries this year -- is sticking around. Speaking in Washington last week, Dean sounded more like a candidate for president than chairman. Under the rubric of ''reform,'' he proposed greatly expanded governmental activity. ''We are what we believe, and the American people know it,'' he declared. That was the case on Nov. 2, in the opinion of pragmatic Democrats who want anybody but Dean to head their party.



To: LindyBill who wrote (90919)12/16/2004 2:01:58 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793761
 
The musings of Arnaud de Borchgrave on the next geopolitical earthquake. They read like a Clancey novel without an upbeat ending.

washtimes.com

Coming geopolitical quakes

By Arnaud de Borchgrave

The world can now count on one geopolitical earthquake every 10 years. Between 1985 and 1995, it was the fall of the Berlin Wall, the implosion of the Soviet Union, the collapse of communist parties the world over, and America's emergence as the world's only superpower.

Between 1995 and 2005, it was the September 11, 2001, attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon that triggered a war on, and the defeat of, Afghanistan's despotic Taliban regime followed by a war on, and the defeat of, Saddam Hussein's bloody tyranny. So between 2005 and 2015, what's on the global menu?

Movers and shakers as well as long-range thinkers and planners meet in a wide variety of intelligence and think-tank huddles. These over-the-horizon, out-of-the-box appraisals range from good news scenarios (the minority) to the kind of global unraveling funk whose only antidote would be a desert island.

Behind all the geopolitical jargon about the "functioning core of globalization," "system perturbations," and "dialectics of transformation," there is the underlying fear of a Vietnamlike debacle in Iraq that would drive the U.S. into isolationism — a sort of globalization in reverse.

Among the most interesting and optimistic librettos in the game of nations is peace in the Middle East made possible by a deal with Iran. Keeping this kind of negotiation with the ayatollahs secret in the age of the Internet and 4 million bloggers taxes credulity. It would also take a Henry Kissinger or a Zbigniew Brzezinski to pull it off. However, if successful, it would look something like this:

• A nuclear Iran removed from the "axis of evil," and recognized as the principal player in the region, is the quid.

• For the quo, Iran recognized Israel and the two-state solution of a "viable" Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza.

• Iran ends all support for terrorist activities against Israel. Iran-supplied and -funded Hezbollah disarms and confines its activities to the political and economic arena in Lebanon.

In reality, Iran is automatically the region's dominant power after U.S. armed forces withdraw from Iraq. The Shi'ite side of Islam, long the persecuted majority in Iraq, will emerge victorious in forthcoming free national elections. A minimum of 1 million Iranians have moved into Iraq since Operation Iraqi Freedom 2 1/2 years ago. The Iran-Iraq border is porous, mountainous, largely unguarded and no one has even an approximate count. The Jordanian intelligence service believes the Iranian influx into Iraq could be as high as 3 million.

In Syria, the Alawi regime, in power since 1970, is also a Shi'ite sect of Islam. In Lebanese politics, the Hezbollah Party is a Shi'ite movement. The oil fields of Saudi Arabia are in the kingdom's eastern province where Shi'ites are the majority — and Iran is a hop, skip and jump away.

One all-too-realistic geopolitical nightmare was a weapon of mass destruction terrorist attack on the U.S. West Coast. A nuclear device detonates in a container ship about to enter Long Beach, Calif. News had just broken about pollution of the U.S. food supply, most analysts assumed by transnational terrorism. The U.S. can prevail conventionally anywhere but seems helpless in coping with asymmetrical warfare.

In quick succession:

• The dollar ceases to be the world's reserve currency.

• The shaky coalition governing Iraq collapses and civil war breaks out between Sunnis and Shi'ites.

• Fear of the unknown produces a new consensus in the U.S. that global civilization is no longer America's business.

• The U.S. debate shifts to adequate city perimeter defenses.

• With the U.S. no longer the global cop, the defense budget of almost half a trillion dollars can be drastically pruned and savings transferred to homeland security.

• U.S. client states are informed they are on their own. Congress abolishes global aid.

• Egypt loses its annual stipend of $2.5 billion; Taiwan and Israel are told they will must fend for themselves.

• Social trust becomes the new glue of society — bonding with like-minded neighbors with shared values.

• International coalitions dissolve and new ones emerge. China seizes new opportunities for its short- and long-range needs for raw materials in the developing world — from Brazil to sub-Saharan Africa's pockets of mineral wealth.

• The United States, Canada and Mexico form a new stand-alone alliance with Britain.

• Turkey, Israel and Iran become a new self-protection core against dysfunctional neighbors with no upward mobility.

• The European Union and Russia, in continuing decline, close ranks; EU inherits de facto responsibility for Africa south of the Sahara, plagued by genocidal wars and the AIDS epidemic.

• China and India, with one-third of the world's population, and competitive with Western countries in high-tech jobs and technology, form a de facto alliance.

• Pakistan's pro-American President Pervez Musharraf does not survive the ninth assassination plot; an Islamist general takes over and appoints A.Q. Khan, former chief executive of an international nuclear black market for the benefit of America's "axis of evil" enemies, as Pakistan's new president.

• The House of Saud is shaken to its foundations as a clutch of younger royal princes, who have served in the armed forces, arrest the plus 70-year-olds now in charge — known as the Sudairi seven — and call for the kingdom's first elections.

• Osama bin Laden returns to Saudi Arabia and is welcomed as a national hero. Bin Laden scores an overwhelming plurality in the elections and is the country's most popular leader.

• A.Q. Khan sends bin Laden his congratulations and dispatches to Riyadh his new defense minister, Gen. Hamid Gul, a former intelligence chief and admirer of the world's most wanted terrorist, who hates America with a passion. His mission is to negotiate a caliphate merging Pakistan's nuclear weapons with Saudi oil resources and monetary reserves.

• Northern Nigeria petitions Islamabad and Riyadh to be considered as a member of the caliphate.

• Absent the long-time global cop, and traditional alliances in shambles, transnational criminal enterprises thrive with unfettered access the world over.

• U.S. multinational companies, unable to protect their plants and employees, return whence they came.

• International airlines morph back into interregional air links.

• Switzerland, a small defensive country with compulsory military service, is in vogue again; larger countries with several ethnic groups begin breaking apart a la Yugoslavia.

• Goods stamped "Made in China. Secured in Singapore" are back in business, smuggled into the United States.

• The EU can no longer cope with millions of North Africans and sub-Sahara Africans flooding into Spain, Italy, France, who roam freely and hungry in the rest of Europe. Islamist radicals sally out of their European slum tenements to besiege U.S. Embassies in protest of their jobless plight.

• Japan goes nuclear after U.S. troops withdraw from South Korea.

A slight detour from this global ship o' fools imaginary cruise had Pakistan and India, no longer restrained by the United States, miscalculating and exchanging a nuclear salvo over Kashmir. A billion Indians survive. A city disappears, Islamabad. Pakistan, part of India prior to independence in 1947, collapses as a unitary state and becomes part of India again.

To be warned is forewarned. Short of WMD terrorism, the intelligence insiders are concerned about implosions in the former Soviet Muslim republics. They also say there is no more important objective for the Bush administration than repairing transatlantic relations. Chris Patten, the EU's outgoing foreign minister says, "The world deserves better than testosterone on one side and superciliousness on the other."

Arnaud de Borchgrave is editor at large of The Washington Times and of United Press International.