SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Strategies & Market Trends : Booms, Busts, and Recoveries -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: energyplay who wrote (57705)12/28/2004 10:29:17 PM
From: RealMuLan  Respond to of 74559
 
LOL. You might be right<g> Maybe elmat can prove it<g>



To: energyplay who wrote (57705)12/28/2004 10:35:14 PM
From: TobagoJack  Respond to of 74559
 
Hello EP, Someone told me last night that Venezuela had asked and China has agreed to send security contractors to Venezuela as they will be dispatched to Iran and was sprinkled in Sudan. Odd thing about all the contractors running around the world for all parties.

Let's watch the developments.

Chugs, Jay



To: energyplay who wrote (57705)12/29/2004 6:46:12 AM
From: elmatador  Respond to of 74559
 
US/Brazil and the attention thing. I will be very honest to you.

1) The "Straw Dog Complain" is the most important reason for Brazil to dislike the US. There are others, see below, but this is the most important one. Brazilians, most the ones above 40 years old, have what is called the "Straw Dog Complain". People who has the "Straw Dog Complain" loves the under dog and dislikes the successful.
They don't think they can win. They think the others are always better and they think that the local stuff is inferior. Anything made out there is better. In one word: They are bloody losers.

Here are some other reasons:

2)The US doesn't do good marketing like the Europeans and others do. Examples:

Prince Charles comes here (to help Castrol) and go to the samba school and tries a few steps. The Brits get extremely good press and Brazilians think Brits are good.

Japan Prime Minister comes here and demands to see the Olympic marathoner who was blocked by a crazy guy 15 minutes to finish line. Lula brings him in, and Brazilians love the Japanese and Japan gets good press.
Those other countries play the "Straw Dog Complain" to their advantage.

3) It was almost a 100 years ago that US President Teddy Roosevelt said: "Speak softly and carry a big stick: you will go far." No one has forgotten! It stuck! People down here react against the US in a way they don't do against other foreign countries. Remember the mug shoots and finger printing? Remember the reaction for the NY Times article saying Lula drinks a few? "Straw Dog Complain" caused the brouhaha.

Perhaps Teddy wasn't so bad. Perhaps almost 100 years ago was a totally different picture. What was an US president doing in a place like here (in Curitiba) when there were only wood mills? I always wonder that when I see his huge photos in one mall here -a former rail station- during his visit to Curitiba. But no one digs in the history. The ones who do are academics and they are mostly left leaning.

De Gaulle said: "Brazil is not a serious country." 1962, when Brazil apprehended a few fishing boats fishing lobsters in territorial waters. No one remembers that and this people here love the French!

4) The US soccer is not as popular as in other countries. The masses here, get impressions about other countries, by watching them playing football, as soccer is called outside the US. US are not visible as much as other countries. This has improved a lot since 1994 World Cup. But the day we won, a friend watching, beside me said: "You see? Only vice-president Al Gore is there. Clinton didn't come to hand over the cup" !!!!!!

Before anyone starts reading my postings under a straw dog perspective: I lost my "Straw Dog Complain" because I read 'Selections of the Readers' Digest' when I was small boy and I get that 'can do spirit', freedom, endure on the face of adversity and such, they used to publish about Americans. I read issues since the 1945 all the way to 1968. I use to buy the old ones from the used books shop very cheap.

That's one oft he reasons I dropped out school and went on since I thought I could do anything I wanted to do. I said to myself I was not made to be poor. I was made to have money. Once I looked to the engineers for what they were able to do, I said to myself: "I can eat those guys for breakfast".

And I did it. I was brain washed to lose the "Straw Dog Complain". Yeah, OK, I got arrogant too :-)



To: energyplay who wrote (57705)12/29/2004 2:16:02 PM
From: elmatador  Respond to of 74559
 
Anti-Americanism in Brazil and Latin America
By Olavo de Carvalho | December 22, 2004 There is no politician left in Brazil who is openly pro-American or pro-Israel, even among the ones who are defenders of a free market economy. Send this page to a friend
Format this page for printing

The entire mainstream Brazilian media, without exception, is anti-American, anti-Bush, and anti-Israel, including those publications which due to their past keep a conservative façade, even though they are by no means conservative today. Everybody in Brazilian media commenting on September 11 was unanimous in attributing to the US several different degrees of the responsibility for the evil that was done to them.

There is no politician left in Brazil who is openly pro-American or pro-Israel, even among the ones who are defenders of a free market economy. There are, at best, those who defend good relations with the US exclusively in the economic arena, taking at the same time an anti-American stance in all other relevant international issues.

There are no more conservative politicians or parties in action in Brazil today. The last ones were ostracized in the last couple of years, either through suspicions of corruption that were never entirely proven, or by the defeat on the elections after a rain of accusations in the media. The bulk of the opposition to the Workers' Party (PT), the greatest left-wing party in Brazil, is made exclusively by internal dissensions of the Left.

Brazilian public opinion is massively persuaded that the US is in a full-fledged imperialistic campaign to subjugate Brazil economically, destroy it culturally, and, finally, to occupy with troops at least part of its territory. In the media, no writer except me dares to openly defy this belief.

No conservative American author has his books published in Brazil, at least by the commercial publishing houses, nor are they studied in the departments of Philosophy, Law, or Political Sciences of any Brazilian university. A recent publication, the Critical Dictionary of Right-Wing Thought, which became reference material for all the students in the area due to the fact that it was written by 144 university teachers among the most representative of Brazilian academic elite, contained several mentions of David Duke and none of Irving Kristol, Russell Kirk, Thomas Sowell, and other authors recognized in the US as spokesmen for conservatives, so that the general idea left in the mind of the reader is that the North American conservative thought consists, essentially, of Nazism.

In the media, in academic discussions and in public debates, all the initiatives viewed as bad for Brazil, coming from international organizations or great banks, are immediately attributed to George W. Bush. The figure of the North American president has been so demonized that he was drawn literally with the face of the Devil, with horns and forked tail, on the cover of one of the main weekly Brazilian magazines—a gross graphic expedient which, not even a decade ago, would be dared only by communist publications.

The American ambassador in Brazil, Donna Hrinak, made open propaganda of the leftist candidate (and current president) Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, praising him as the "incarnation of the American dream," and after that enforced further the anti-American feeling on the population, declaring in an interview that "the US does not respect Brazil".

In the Armed Forces, the belief is practically unanimous that, with the end of the USSR, the East-West conflict axle was substituted by the North-South axle, or "rich nations against poor nations," and, therefore, the real enemy of Brazil in an armed conflict is the US. This idea is subscribed to even by the majority of the conservative officers, some with great prestige in the Armed Forces. The military in general believe that the North American proposition of setting up an air force base in Alcântara, Pará, is a Machiavellian plan of the government in Washington against Brazilian national sovereignty, and almost all officers subscribe to the leftist propaganda that the Colombia Plan is a vile premeditated plot to facilitate the penetration of American troops in Brazilian territory with imperialistic purposes.

In the frontier bases, many officers and soldiers are already dedicated to the study of the works of Ho Chi Minh and General Giap, aiming to assimilate the Vietcong war techniques for future combat against the North American invaders. The School for Higher War Studies (ESG, Escola Superior de Guerra), the main teaching center for the formation of the military, is literally hypnotized by the preaching of anti-American agitators like the journalist Márcio Moreira Alves and the historian Manuel Cambeses Júnior.

For the simple reason that it obeyed economic policies set by the IMF, the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration became known in the media as pro-American, even though in reality it had much more affinity with the European Union and the current anti-American mentality found in the UN. On the other hand, this government has been hostile to the Armed Forces, reducing their budget and their functions, excluding the military of the ministerial meetings, stimulating true and false accusations against military personnel that collaborated with the extinct authoritarian regime, rewarding with jobs and public money the terrorists that killed Brazilian soldiers, and so forth.

The result was that the hate towards the government grew among the military, along with the anti-Americanism. The widely recognized fact that the anti-military initiatives of the government were fomented by leftists did not change a single bit the attitude of the military, who, becoming aware of the support given to left-wing organizations by great entrepreneurial holdings like Ford and Rockefeller, interpreted the rising of the left as the effect of a sinister imperialistic plan plotted by the American government to debilitate Brazilian national sovereignty.

Well, a global movement to debilitate and neutralize the national sovereignties did exist, but it did not come from the American government, but from the EU and the UN, the same organizations that, on the other hand, did everything to politically isolate the US and Israel. As it happens, the latent conflict between US power and the great international organizations was never made public in Brazil, not even after the Durban Conference which made it patently evident.

Therefore, everything the international organizations did against national sovereignty (including the US's own) was immediately attributed to the American government, viewed as a kind of deity controlling everything that happened in the universe. When I mentioned in the Brazilian press that President Clinton served more the purposes of these international organizations than the American State, I was called 'a loony' and thoroughly ignored, even among the military, who usually had respect for me.

To stimulate even more the anti-American hostility of the Brazilian military, the dismantling of our Armed Forces strictly followed a plan in ten steps suggested by the political scientist Samuel Huntington in a book circulated in Brazil with the sponsoring of Culture Minister Francisco Weffort, a man from the PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party) in Fernando Henrique Cardoso's cabinet.

It is not surprising that the North American president who supported international policies that tended to stimulate these hostilities was the same who in the home front protected Chinese espionage, tied the CIA's and the FBI's hands against international terrorism, and debilitated the American Armed Forces. All this man wanted was to obtain for the US, even at the cost of the long-term destruction of the country, certain economic advantages that allowed him to pose in front of his voters as the savior of unemployed immigrants.

So, at the same time that he gave his country an image of an imperialistic power, arrogant and proud, he made it weak and helpless, in the military as well as diplomatic arenas. This is the path to self-destruction, and I do not believe that Clinton, elected with Chinese propaganda money, did it out of mere incompetence or lack of consciousness.

The hate towards the US in Brazil today is so deep and so disseminated in all social levels that it can only be eradicated through a long and laborious educational campaign. It is necessary to explain to Brazilians that the international organizations are not the US government, that the fight of globalist imperialism for the destruction of national sovereignties is not an American enterprise, being rather anti-American, and that the nationalistic façade of the leftist organizations in Brazil hides their collaboration with the anti-American globalist imperialism. If this is not made at once, any belligerent position the next government adopts against the US will be applauded by all the Brazilian people, fallen into the web of a tragic deceit.

Olavo de Carvalho is a philosopher and the author of several books. He writes for three very influential dailies in Brazil. His articles can be found at www.olavodecarvalho.org and www.midiasemmascara.org

aim.org



To: energyplay who wrote (57705)12/29/2004 11:11:26 PM
From: TobagoJack  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 74559
 
Hello EP, following up to that Message 20895418 earlier, now this ...

stratfor.biz

Venezuela's Oil: A Step Toward Ending U.S. Domination
Dec 29, 2004


Summary

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez says Chinese oil and gas companies will be assured access to contracts in Venezuela ranging from exploration and production of crude oil and gas, to the construction of refineries and petrochemical plants. Chavez wants to break free of Venezuela's decades-old energy relationship with the United States, and is banking on China's thirst for oil to achieve that goal.

Analysis

President Hugo Chavez has signed eight agreements in Beijing that lay the foundations for granting Chinese oil companies preferential access to oil and gas projects in Venezuela, including exploration and production, and the construction of new pipelines, refineries and petrochemical plants. Expanding energy relations with China, he said, is Venezuela's best option for breaking with "100 years of U.S. domination" over the country's oil industry.

Chavez's public assurances in Beijing mean that Chinese oil companies will receive preferential access to Venezuela regardless of whether their bids are the most competitive. His remarks constitute a significant change in the direction of Venezuela's energy policy -- away from its decades-old bilateral relationship with the United States. Chavez already has started to realign Venezuela's armed forces with Russia, China and France. Now he is doing the same with Venezuela's oil industry, setting in motion a process intended to reduce the U.S.-Venezuela energy relationship.

This process of reducing what the Chavez government perceives as a dependency on the United States that threatens Venezuela's national security will not happen quickly -- if at all. Chinese companies may find good deals in Venezuelan oil and gas projects but, like other foreign oil companies, they will choose projects carefully and negotiate contract terms aggressively. Venezuela currently has an investor-unfriendly environment, particularly for oil and gas companies. The country's restrictive 1999 Bolivarian Constitution, its 2001 Hydrocarbons Law, and recent presidential decrees unilaterally raising tax and royalty rates on foreign-owned strategic joint ventures with Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) in the Orinoco Tar Belt are not positive incentives for prospective investors.

However, Venezuela's huge crude oil and natural gas reserves are an appetizing prospect for oil companies and countries that need incremental access to energy resources. China's thirst for energy already has taken it to the Middle East and Africa, where it is competing for a growing share of exportable energy supplies. Given the political importance that Caracas and Beijing both assign to closer energy relations, it is likely that both governments will find ways around the restrictive investment rules.

China frequently has been willing to invest in higher-risk energy projects of dubious profitability. The key factor for Beijing will be whether Chavez gives Chinese investors assurances that the Venezuelan state will not intervene in or obstruct their investments. Chavez appears to have made such assurances. His Dec. 24 remarks in Beijing made it clear that oil investment decisions will be made directly by the presidency of Venezuela, and not by lower level officials at the Energy and Mines Ministry or PDVSA.

However, the process will gather momentum slowly, since Chinese refineries are not engineered to process heavier gravity Venezuelan crude and likely will have to undergo some retooling to accept incremental volumes of Venezuelan oil in the coming years.

Meanwhile, Chavez likely will not actively seek to curtail the activities of U.S. oil companies, such as ChevronTexaco, which has operated in Venezuela for 80 years and has close to $3 billion invested in heavy crude upgrading and offshore natural gas projects in the country. Chavez has nothing to gain economically by tightening the screws on U.S. oil company investments in Venezuela. Moreover, any move seen as illegally restricting private U.S. oil operations in Venezuela would fuel tensions with the Bush administration and upset foreign lenders that specialize in funding major energy projects.

As a result, Stratfor thinks it is likely that the Chavez government simply will favor energy projects involving Chinese and other non-U.S. oil companies and investors. This tendency will gradually become more obvious over the next five to 10 years as Venezuela's oil and gas sectors expand. Venezuelan oil exports to the United States likely would remain unchanged at about 1.5 million barrels per day (bpd), or could even drop over the coming five to 10 years to 1 million bpd or less. New exportable production capacity coming on stream would be shipped to new markets, mainly in China. The planned Venezuelan-Colombian pipeline from western Venezuela to Colombia's Pacific Ocean coastline is an integral element in Chavez's long-term strategy of reducing Venezuelan oil supplies to the United States by redirecting them to Asia.

It also is likely that Spanish, Russian, French, Indian and Middle Eastern energy companies will be favored players in the future expansion of Venezuela's oil and gas industries. Chavez has invited companies from these countries to invest in Venezuela's energy sector during frequent foreign trips over the past year. However, China is by far the most strategically important player in Chavez's grand scheme to expand Venezuela's oil and gas industries while simultaneously diminishing its bilateral energy relations with the United States. This is because China's growing thirst for energy eclipses demand in all other countries except the United States.

The Bush administration has not responded publicly to Chavez's pledge to Beijing. However, China's now-privileged access to Venezuela's energy resources gives Beijing a potential edge that Washington does not have in Caracas. As the largest foreign investor historically in Venezuela's oil industry, U.S. oil firms still enjoy political clout in Caracas. The U.S. era in Venezuelan oil has peaked, however, and the new major players in the coming years likely will be Chinese and other non-U.S. companies.



Copyright 2004 Strategic Forecasting Inc. All rights reserved.