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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Wayners who wrote (667415)1/6/2005 6:27:47 PM
From: goldworldnet  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
LOL... I think Hillary is the main reason the American public was as forgiving to Bill as it was.

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To: Wayners who wrote (667415)1/6/2005 6:52:08 PM
From: TideGlider  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
On the Death of Susan Sontag
By Mark Goldblatt
Published 1/3/2005 12:05:04 AM

NEW YORK -- Susan Sontag died the same week as a tsunami in south Asia killed over a hundred thousand people. There's no logical connection between these two events. Even though Sontag titled one of her books Regarding the Pain of Others, nothing of substance is to be learned by their juxtaposition except to remark that, when free association counts as intellectual work, as it did in Sontag's world, intimations of significance can always be found.

After Sontag published as essay last year in the New York Times about the Abu Ghraib scandal in which she compared prisoner abuse by Americans to mass executions carried out at Nazi concentration camps -- arguing, in effect, that human brutality is all of a piece -- I wrote a column in which I referred to her as a "pseudo-intellectual." In retrospect, that was unfair. Sontag was a heroine of the political left, a talented writer who tackled ambitious subjects in respected journals. She was indeed an intellectual. She was just a very bad intellectual.

What I mean is that, for all her rhetorical gifts, Sontag could not think -- or, rather, she could not reason. She didn't do if-then logic. She tossed around ideas as though they were horseshoes and hoped that their proximity to a thesis formed an argument. This method made her consistently provocative, consistently readable, and consistently irrelevant.

In a 1967 essay for Partisan Review, she wrote: "It is the white race and it alone -- its ideologies and inventions -- which eradicates autonomous civilizations wherever it spreads, which has upset the ecological balance of the planet, which now threatens the very existence of life itself." This is the kind of preening, self-loathing declaration intended first and foremost to announce the writer's sympathy with the romanticized Other. It's also a harbinger, given the essay's date, of a mindset that would soon embrace the ear-gagging phrase "people of color" -- as though concentrations of melanin conferred existential unity and behavioral nobility to populations who happen to think of themselves that way.

But setting aside Sontag's motivations for writing it -- she would later make a sarcastic retraction, saying the line slanders cancer patients -- is there a way to rescue it logically from the hundred objections that can be lodged against it? Doesn't there throb, beneath Sontag's words, a hardened racial essentialism of the sort that seeks to define the intellectual, moral and spiritual potentials of individual human beings by the geographic origins of their distant ancestors? And isn't her condemnation of "the white race" actually a function of her disappointment that Europeans and their descendants, who developed the scientific and technological means to dominate the planet, didn't also develop a corresponding ethical superiority that would have made them better stewards? Why weren't white people a kinder, gentler master race? The "autonomous civilization" of India had a quaint little custom of burning widows alive at the funerals of their husbands; why did the Brits have to go mucking around the subcontintent and force the locals to scrap it? Why didn't Fulton, Edison and Ford realize the havoc their inventions would wreak on the eco-system?

(continued)

In recent years, Sontag caused a political firestorm with her notorious New Yorker essay on the events of 9/11. Her words seemed shocking just days after the attack, but in retrospect the performance was pure Sontag: "Where is the acknowledgment that this was not a 'cowardly' attack on 'civilization' or 'liberty' or 'humanity' or 'the free world,'" she wrote, "but an attack on the world's self-proclaimed superpower, undertaken as a consequence of specific American alliances and actions?… And if the word 'cowardly' is to be used, it might be more aptly applied to those who kill from beyond the range of retaliation, high in the sky, than to those willing to die themselves in order to kill others. In the matter of courage (a morally neutral virtue): whatever may be said of the perpetrators of Tuesday's slaughter, they were not cowards."

Analyses don't come more wrongheaded than this; a reader could negate every proposition Sontag puts forward and arrive closer to the truth than she does. But since she makes such an issue of cowardice versus courage, let's focus on that. Because the hijackers killed themselves in order to kill their victims, she claims, they exhibited courage and shouldn't be called cowards. She insists that courage is a morally neutral virtue. (What is a "morally neutral virtue" anyway? Is it like a "shapeless square"? A "colorless shade"?) Moral neutrality, however, changes the meaning of the word; courage has never been thought of that way. If courage were morally neutral, in the sense she's using it, then every premeditated murderer would count as courageous since he's risking capture and punishment, perhaps capital punishment, for his crime. But Sontag, I suspect, wouldn't call Jack the Ripper or Richard Speck or Ted Bundy courageous.

Likewise, her notion of cowardice. If America is taking the "cowardly" route of dropping bombs from airplanes "beyond the range of retaliation" -- the courageous route, I suppose, would be to send in the Marines to engage in knife fights -- then why do American pilots ever get shot down? Answer: Because they don't fly beyond the range of retaliation; they intentionally fly low to avoid collateral damage. Unlike the 9/11 hijackers, American pilots can inflict mass destruction with no danger to themselves. The fact that they risk their lives to minimize civilians casualties exemplifies a courage that is not morally neutral; rather, it's a courage that recognizes that even an unshakable perception of your cause's justice doesn't justify wanton violence.

The quality in the hijackers Sontag has fixated on isn't courage but what Aristotle would call "rashness," what Cheech Marin would call it "cojones." It derives from a failure to esteem life, an obliviousness, ironically, to "the pain of others." Taken down a notch, it's the character trait that stokes the heart of every soccer hooligan, every barroom brawler, every drunk driver....

Sontag once said, "I like very much the idea of being serious." Whatever her personal merits, that accomplishment will forever elude her.

Mark Goldblatt (MGold57@aol.com) is the author of Africa Speaks, a satire of black urban culture.



To: Wayners who wrote (667415)1/6/2005 6:52:14 PM
From: DuckTapeSunroof  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769670
 
The Country We've Got

January 6, 2005
OP-ED COLUMNIST
nytimes.com
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

Each day we get closer to the Iraqi elections, more voices are suggesting that they be postponed. This is a tough call, but I hope the elections go ahead as scheduled on Jan. 30. We have to have a proper election in Iraq so we can have a proper civil war there.

Let me explain: None of these Arab countries - Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia - are based on voluntary social contracts between the citizens inside their borders. They are all what others have called "tribes with flags" - not real countries in the Western sense. They are all civil wars either waiting to happen or being restrained from happening by the iron fist of one tribe over the others or, in the case of Syria in Lebanon, by one country over another.

What the Bush team has done in Iraq, by ousting Saddam, was not to "liberate" the country - an image and language imported from the West and inappropriate for Iraq - but rather to unleash the latent civil war in that country. Think of shaking a bottle of Champagne and then uncorking it.

This is not to say that the "liberation" of Iraq's people is impossible. But unlike in Eastern Europe - where a democratic majority was already present and crying to get out, and all we needed to do was remove the wall - in Iraq we first need to create that democratic majority.

That is what these elections are about and why they are so crucial. We don't want the kind of civil war that we have in Iraq now. That is a war of Sunni and Islamist militants against the U.S. and its Iraqi allies, many of whom do not seem comfortable fighting with, and seemingly for, the U.S. America cannot win that war. That is a civil war in which the murderous insurgents appear to be on the side of ending the U.S. "occupation of Iraq" and the U.S. and its allies appear to be about sustaining that occupation.

The civil war we want is a democratically elected Iraqi government against the Baathist and Islamist militants. It needs to be clear that these so-called insurgents are not fighting to liberate Iraq from America, but rather to reassert the tyranny of a Sunni-Baathist minority over the majority there. The insurgents are clearly desperate that they not be cast as fighting a democratically elected Iraqi government - which is why they are desperately trying to scuttle the elections. After all, if all they wanted was their fair share of the pie, and nothing more, they would be taking part in the elections.

We cannot liberate Iraq, and never could. Only Iraqis can liberate themselves, by first forging a social contract for sharing power and then having the will to go out and defend that compact against the minorities who will try to resist it. Elections are necessary for that process to unfold, but not sufficient. There has to be the will - among Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds - to forge that equitable social contract and then fight for it.

In short, we need these elections in Iraq to see if there really is a self-governing community there ready, and willing, to liberate itself - both from Iraq's old regime and from us. The answer to this question is not self-evident. This was always a shot in the dark - but one that I would argue was morally and strategically worth trying.

Because if it is impossible for the peoples of even one Arab state to voluntarily organize themselves around a social contract for democratic life, then we are looking at dictators and kings ruling this region as far as the eye can see. And that will guarantee that this region will be a cauldron of oil-financed pathologies and terrorism for the rest of our lives.

What is inexcusable is thinking that such an experiment would be easy, that it could be done on the cheap, that it could be done with any old army and any old coalition and any old fiscal policy and any old energy policy. That is the foolishness of George W. Bush, Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. My foolishness was thinking they could never be so foolish.

Still, the game is not over. We know that the Iraqi people do not want to be ruled by us. But what we don't know is how they want to rule themselves. What kind of majority are the Iraqi Shiites ready to be - a tolerant and inclusive one, or an intolerant and exclusive one? What kind of minority do the Iraqi Sunnis intend to be - rebellious and separatist, or loyal and sharing?

Elections are the only way to find out. Or, as Rumsfeld might say: You go to elections with the country you've got, not the one you wish you had - because that is the only way to find out whether the one you wish for is ever possible.

Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company